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SEPTEMBER. 1857. 

ALSO 

A li'uU and Coniijletc .Ico/'nt a/ t/Lc 

TRIAL, CONFESSION and EXECUTION 

01' 

John D. Lee, 

The Leader of the Murderers, 
Illustrated by a true Likeness of John D. Lee. 

PUBI.ISHEI) BY HIE FAGIFIG^RT COMPAQ, oi'' san francisco, cal. 

FOR I)lS'lRIBI"noX AVITH THEIR 

C@hbra{ed Picture of Mountain Meadeix's. 



Si'/U!i,i)i,vi; S: liAK'id, I'loiiK AND Juii 1'rintilRS, 414 Ci.AV Strkei.' 

,877. 



Entered according to Act of Congress in the year 1877, In the olhce of the Librarian of Congress, at 
Washington, D. C, by the '■ Pacific Abt Company " <>f San Francisco, Cal. 






HISTORY 



MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE. 



In 1856 a Mormon mob drove the United States Judge from his bench at the point of 
the bowie knife, and he fled the Territory. This, coupled witb the frequent and horrible 
murders of non-believers, the butchery of apostates and the persecution of " Gentiles," 
led President Buchanan to send an army to Utah to displace Young, seat a new Gover- 
nor, and enforce the laws. As the troops drew near, Young issued a proclamation 
denouncing the army as a mob, and called the Mormons to arms to repulse it. This 
was in 1857, and at that critical juncture occurred the Mountain Meadows Massacre. 

The new Governor declared the Territory to be in rebellion, but in 1858 an under- 
standing was reached, and President Buchanan issued a proclamation of pardon to all 
■who would submit. The army entered the valley and remained two years. 

We have no disposition to go into any inquiry as to,the details of the Mormon belief. 
We have now to deal only with its outward manifestations. It is but fair to say that an 
inconsiderable number who believe in the revelations of the First Prophet — Joseph 
Smith — denounce polygamy, abhor Brigham Young, and cut off utterly from the Utah 
Church. They have their headquarters in a Western State, and a son of Joe Smith is 
their churchly head. The history of the crimes perpetrated in Utah under the protec- 
tion and by the direction of the Mormon Church would fill a ponderous volume. The 
arm which the church has used for its vilest deeds is known as the " Danite Band," or 
the "Destroying Angels," an organization of rufl&ans who cut a throat or dash out brains 
at command of the Church dignitaries, with all the nonchalance of a coachman cracking 
his whip on a frosty morning. To " use up a man " is a command they well under- 
stand, and their acts are held against them by the Church as no crime, but rather as 
steps to celestial rewards. By their early entrance into the Utah valley the Mormons 
gained much influence with the Indian tribes, and by shrewd devices have used them for 
years as weapons with which to wreak vengeance upon Gentiles. A third powerful arm 
of the priesthood is the doctrine of "blood atonement," teaching that blood maybe 
justifiably spilled to punish apostacy, prevent heresy or avenge the Church. Thus, 
with these three, an ignorant aud infatuated people, taught to hate non-believers, de- 
spise the Government, persecute Gentiles, and use up enemies, the Church stands a 
power in Utah. 

For a fuller understanding of the incidents about to be related, let us sketch "briefly 
the line of localities to be mentioned. Utah lies between the 42d and 37th parallels of 
latitude," and the Sith and 37th of longitude, being nearly a perfect parallelogram. A 
chain of mountains on the east side runs from the northern end along the east boundary 
half the distance of the Territory, and then trending westward and southward across it, 
striking its west boundary one hundred miles north of the Colorado river, at or near the 
supposed head of navigation on that stream. Along the base of this range of mountains, 
from which flow the irrigating streams, is the chief settled section, occupying compara- 
tively narrow valleys, which are bounded on the west by various low ranges, the chief 



of whieli is the " Oquirrh." To give a line of the settlements down this valley or chain 
of valleys, is all that is now needed to enable the reader to easily follow the narrative to 
come. On the extreme north is Smithfield, and going south along the chief highways, 
the settlements and main points are in this order in direct distances along the old Emi- 
grant Road, some of the roads giving greater and lesser distances by their routes: 
Logan, 8 miles; Brigham, 30 miles; Ogden, 16 miles; Great Salt Lake City, 37 miles; 
Little Cottonwood, 7 miles; Lehi, 24 miles; Provo City, 22 miles; Payson, 16 miles — 
where we incline a little more westward; Nephi, 24 miles; Chicken Creek, 12 miles; 
Crossing of the Sevier River, 14 miles; Round Valley, 8 miles; Old Fort Union, 12 
miles; Fillmore, 8 miles— the former capital; Meadow Creek, 8 miles; Corn Creek, 12 
miles; Cove Creek, 15 miles — where Brigham Young has a stone fort; Beaver City, 22 
miles — where Lee was tried; Parowan, 20 miles; Cedar City, 25 miles — where the rally 
to destroy the emigrants was made. Going now due southwest we come to Pinto, 32 
miles; Hamlin's Ranch, 4 miles — which is at the north end of the Mountain Meadows, 
the scene of the massacre; Santa Oara River, 12 miles — which is but 24 miles from the 
southeastern corner of the Territory. 

Scarce any crime in the history of the land equals in atrocity]that which was perpetra- 
ted by order of the Mormon Church at Mountain Meadows, in September, 1857, in 
which John D. Lee was the chief agent, and from which he sought to shield himself to 
the last, even in his confession casting all blame on others, and denying that he person- 
ally shed blood. 

Parley P. Pratt was one of the original twelve apostles. One of his wives was Eleanor 
McLean. She left her home in Arkansas and fled with Pratt. Pining for her children, 
she induced him to return with her to obtain them from her husband, and on their at- 
tempt to do so, the outraged husband slew the seducer. The Mormons saw nothing 
wrong in Pratt's action, and vowed vengeance upon McLean and his friends. 

In the summer of 1857, a train of emigrants, hailing from Arkansas, Missouri and Illi- 
nois, and bound for California, entered Salt Lake City. It was a wealthy and populous 
train. There were in it one hundred and fifty persons, men, women and children, four 
hundred head of cattle, and seventy or eighty fine horses. It was a rich train, and car- 
ried money, jewelry, bedding, household goods, and superior wearing apparel. Its 
strength and wealth made it independent, and doubtless its members were boastful and 
bold. They were told that snows would prevent their making the northern passage, and 
they resolved to pass down through Utah and go into California by the southern route. 
Mormons say that in Salt Lake one of the emigrants swung a pistol above his head and 
swore that it helped to kiU "Joe Smith," and was then loaded for "Old Brigham." 
Mormons, when asked whether their religion would exonerate the man who should kill 
the desperado that boasted of murdering the prophet, have bluntly answered " Yes." 
In addition to this, several of the emigrants came from McLean's neighborhood in Ar- 
kansas, and at least one was believed to have had a hand in the killing of Pratt. 

Among the emigrants' cattle was a pair of old stags which were named " Brigham " 
and " Heber." In driving throiigh the streets these old stags used to receive a generous 
share of abuse. Next to Joseph Smith, the Mormons worshipped Brigham Young and 
the "First Presidency." 

Thus these emigrants publicly insulted President Young, it is charged, and Heber C. 
Kimball, his first counselor, and this insult is always mentioned by the Mormons as one 
of the causes of provocation for the massacre. The very groundwork of Mormon The- 
ocracy rested upon unbounded reverence to President Young, their " Prophet, Seer and 
Revelator." It is also charged that the emigrants wove his name into vulgar songs 
which were chanted through the streets. 

A Territorial law prohibited profanity, and the violation of this law on the part of 

A 

^ 



some of the emigrants is charged, and for it they were ordered arrested at Cedar City, 
but they successfully resisted. 

Again, it is told that a teamster, in passing through the streets of Cedar, brought his 
heavy whip-lash suddenly down among widow Evans' chickens, and killed two. Kemon- 

strated with, the man swore he would kill the d d Mormons as quickly as their 

chickens, if they interfered with him much more. 

Lee has said that while camped two miles beyond the town they tore down and 
burned fifteen rods of fence, and turned their stock upon the standing grain. 

It is rumored that at Corn Creek they poisoned au ox, and a spring, or a running 
stream, and the Indians suflered from the effects. Oas is said to have died, and the 
rest were terribly incensed against the emigrants. But on the first trial of Lee this 
charge was utterly exploded. It was shown ths spring was a very large'running stream, 
and could not be poisoned, and, indeed, was not, nor was the bullock, and lastly, that 
the party so charged was the Duke party, which came through some time after the 
Mountain Meadows party, and the Corn Creek Indians themselves deny the whole story, 
as we show further on. 

Johnston's army was entering Utah, and the Mormons were marshalling to oppose 
him with force and arms. The United States was considered as an enemy, and its sub- 
jects were treated as foes. Practically the Territory was under martial law, and the 
Nauvoo Legion drilled regularly each week. Here was the richest and most powerful 
company that ever traveled the southern route to California. Their wagons, teams and 
loose stock alone amounted to over $309,000, and they had the costliest apparel and 
jewelry. The wildest excitement prevailed, and murders were frequent Driven from 
place to place in the East, the Mormons determined to fight for Utah. The emigrants 
are accused of having threatened to camp on the southern boundary of Utah, and when 
Johnston's army entered at the north, they would return and exterminate the southern 
settlements. Before the snow fell they would hang Brigham Young and Heber C. Kim- 
ball. 

It is said that the doctrine of blood atonement had its part in the massacre which fol- 
lowed, as several disaffected Mormons joined the train, and it became " necessary" to 
blood-atone them. When their dead bodies were found, after the massacre, it is said 
they were clothed in their endowment shirts. From these causes, gleaned from the 
sayings of Mormons, a little idea may be gained of the reasons which actuated the mur- 
derers. 

On ,the other hand, it is abundantly proven that the emigrants were orderly, peaceable, 
Sabbath-loving and generally Christian people, holding religious services frequently. 
Eli B. Kelsey traveled with them from Fort Bridger to Salt Lake City, and he spoke of 
them in the highest terms. Jacob Hamblin, Indian interpreter, who has four wives, 
twenty children and eighteen grandchildren, said, " They seemed like real old-fashioned 
farmers." A resident of Parowan visited them often, and became well acquainted with 
them, and he had never seen a company of finer people, he declared. 

When the emigrants entered Salt Lake they found to their great surprise that nothing . 
could be procured of the Mormons for love or money. Their cash, their cattle, their 
immense wealth, could not purchase provisions enough to keep them from starving. 
Trains were always accustomed to obtain a fresh outfit at Salt Lake prior to crossing the 
deserts intervening between Utah and California. Brigham Young, beyond the perad- " 
venture of a doubt, is responsible for whatever suffering may have been endured because 
of an insufficiency of food. He was Governor of Utah, one of the Territories of the 
United States, and certainly he ought to have permitted citizens of the Union to pur- 
chase necessary provisions while passing peacefully through his confines. 

But neither in Salt Lake, nor subsequently, could they procure supplies, and it is 
probable many would have starved if they had escaped the massacre. As a climax to 



this inhospitable recaption, they were peremptorily ordered to break camp, and move 
away from Salt Lake City. Slowly they passed down through the villages that blos- 
somed at the foot of the Wasatch Range, expecting to reach Los Angeles by the San 
Bernardino route. The corn had ripened and the wheat had been harvested. Every 
granary was filled to bursting, yet money could not purchase food. At American Fork, 
Battle Creek, Provo, Springville, Spanish Fork, Payson, Nephi and Fillmore, they re- 
ceived the same harsh refusal to their requests for trading or buying. They were 
ordered away from at least two places where they were halting to rest and refresh their 
weary cattle. 

The avenger preceded them, in the person of George A. Smith, the second man in the 
Theocracy. At every settlement he preached to the Mormons, and gave strict orders to 
sell no food or grain to emigrants under pain of excommunication. To the earnest, sin- 
cere Mormon, death is preferable to being " cut off " from the privileges of his religion. 
The enormity of this crime is apparent when we remember that certain death awaited 
these poor emigrants in the shape of starvation. At last Smith visited and viewed the 
very place chosen for the slaughter. On his return up the valleys he met the emigrants 
at Corn Creek, and on their request for advice where to recruit their teams before going 
out upon the desert, he told them to pause at Cane Spring, in the Mountain Meadows, 
the very spot where they were butchered. 

The Mountain Meadows are about five miles in length and from one and a half to two 
miles in breadth. At that time the Meadows were well watered, and abounded in luxu- 
riant grass, furnishing a desirable stopping place for the traveler preparatory to entering 
the parched desert further on. 

The Mormons have ever charged this crime at the Meadows upon the Indians, and 
the Indians as industriously deny it. The fact is that at Corn Creek the Indians, when 
the whites refused, furnished the emigrants with thirty bushels of corn. An Associated 
Press reporter held recently an interview with the Chief of the Beavers, named Beaver- 
ite, who said: 

" I was not at Corn Creek, but am brother of Kanosh, the Chief of the Corn Creek 
Indians, and am a warm, friend of the Pahvants; often talked the matter over with them. 
The sto'-y of the poisoned ox is not true, nor of the poisoned spring; the water talked of 
isnot a spring; it is running water; no Indians were ever poisoned, as the Mormons 
say; the Indians never told me of it, and I being with them often must have heard of it; 
no Corn Creek, Pahvants nor Beaver Indians went to Mountain Meadows. All one lie 
who say so. All Indians there were not more than one hundred; for I knew Moquepus, 
who was there with his Cold Creek Indians; he my friend; so were all his Indians; I 
often talk with them during the last seventeen years; Moquepus always said, and his 
warriors always said, that they were making a living by hunting around Cedar. John 
D. Lee came and told them to come and help kill emigrants. Moquepus said he had 
not guns nor powder enough. Lee said that the Mormons wovald furnish guns and pow- 
der. Moquepus asked him what would the Indians get. Lee said they would get 
clothing, all the guns and horses, and some of the cattle to eat. So they went. Mo- 
quepus was wounded, and died the year after of the wounds. All the Indians tell the 
same story. No Indians in Utah had any animosity against the whites. Then all were 
at peace with the Indians. One Indian tried to steal a horse of Duke's party (the party 
succeeding the murdered emigrants) . A guard shot him, and, for a day or two, there 
was trouble and some shooting. That was the only trouble we ever had. I know all 
these Indians. I know all the Indian traditions. I know what I tell is true. I tell it 
now because they are cowards; had to throw all blame on Indians," 

So all along the route the emigrants were refused food, and had to put themselves 
upon the shortest allowance. They were not allowed to drive through Beaver or Pa- 



rowan (a walled town), for in the latter place the militia was already assembled for their 
slaughter. And so at last they entered the Meadows, and camped a Uttle distance from 
the spring of water there, and the small stream running through. Meanwhile their 
murderer^ were preparing. A council was helc' at Cedar City. Haight and Higbee, 
dignitaries in the Church, and Lee, the India- i'mer, and Klingensmith, the Bishop, 
were there, and the destruction of the emigrants was resolved upon, and Lee sent on 
ahead to rally Indians to his aid, while Mormons, painted and accoutred as Indians, 
accompanied him. But a show of waiting for orders was made, and a messenger sent 
to Brigham Young; but it was all sham, and long before he could ride near three hun- 
dred miles and back the deed was done. 

Suddenly at daybreak Monday morning, September 7, 1857, the emigrants were at- 
tacked and at the first fire seven were killed and fifteen wounded. Unprepared, and, 
while most of them were yet asleep, they fell helplessly before the bullets of their unseen 
foes. With a promptitude unparalleled in all the history of Indian warfare, these emi- 
grants wheeled their wagons into an oblong con-al, and with shovels and .picks threw 
the earth from the center of the corral against the wagon wheels. In an iucredibly 
short time they had an excellent barricade. So rapid was their work that the plans of 
the assassins were turned. 

Three Indians were wounded, and two died after being conveyed to Cedar City, where 
Bishop Higbee anointed their wounds with holy ointment and solemnly laid his hands 
upon them to cure them, fervently praying that " The Lord Jesus would heal them." 
The unexpected vigor of the defense made by the emigrants rendered it necessary to 
call for help. A rally was made at Cedar City and Washington, and the faithful were 
ordered to appear " armed and equipped " for duty. One young man in the train was 
named William A. Aden, whose father, in Tennessee, had once saved the life of a Mor- 
mon, and out of gratitude he befriended the young man in some way. Soon afterwards 
a party of Mormons came up to the gate of the disobedient brother and struck him over 
the head with a club. His skull was cracked, and, although he is still living, his mind 
is seriously impaired. 

Aden and a companion were, after the attack, sent out by the emigrants for help. At 
Pinto Creek they were met by the notorious Bill Stewart and a boy. Stewart shot 
Aden, but the boy failed to fire, and the other man escaped. Years after Stewart took 
a friend to the bushes where Aden died, and showed him his victim's bones, and brutally 
kicked them about. Stewart still Uves, lurking about the vicinity of Cedar City, but 
hidden from the authorities. 

The recruits arrived, were arranged in hollow square, and told that they were to aid 
in the murder of the emigrants. They were too strongly fortified to be attacked again 
without loss of life to some of the " Lord's Anointed." The plan resolved upon was to 
decoy the emigrants out under a white flag protection, and the plea that it was neces- 
sary to save them from the Indians. But all this recruiting had taken time, and the 
emigrants held their ground all the week. Their camp was in a hollow overlooked by 
low hills, and from there and from behind stone breastworks, Lee and his men kept 
them under constant fire, killing the cattle, wounding and killing emigrants, and making 
the corral a veritable death pen. 

Water was the great need of the emigrants. Every attempt to go to the spring was 
met by death. A tuanel was started to reach it, but never completed. A woman who 
stepped outside the corral to milk a cow fell pierced with bullets. Two innocent little 
girls, clothed in nure white, were sent down to the spring. Hand in hand, tremblingly, 
these dear little rosebuds walked toward the spring. Their tender little bodies were 
fairly riddled with bullets. The old breastworks still remain, in places, and no one can 
visit the spot without being surprised that the emigrants held out so long. 



Who can picture the torments of mind and body which those poor people suffered ? 
In a bleak, desolate country, hundreds of miles from help, surrounded by painted fiends 
and dying of thirst and starvation, how deep must have been the gloom. Thursday 
night the emigrants drew up a petition, or an humble prayer for aid. It was addressed 
to any friend of humanity, and stated the exact condition of affairs. In case the paper 
reached California, it was hoped that assistance would be sent to their rescue. Then 
followed a list of the emigrants' names. Each name was followed by the age, place of 
nativity, latest residence, position, rank and occupation of its owner. The number of 
clergymen, physicians, farmers, carpenters, etc., was given. Among other important 
particulars, the number of Freemasons and Odd Fellows were stated, with the rank, and 
the name and number of the lodges of which they were members. It is the only ex- 
pression that ever came from within that corral, but it gives a thrilling picture of their 
torture and mental anguish. 

"Who should attempt to bear this letter to California? Volunteers were called for, and 
three of the bravest men that ever lived stepped forward and offered to attempt to dash 
through the enemy and cross the wilderness and desert. Before they started, all knelt 
in the corral, and the white haired old Methodist pastor fervently prayed for their safety. 
In the dead of night they passed the besiegers, but Indian runners were immediately 
placed on their track, and tliey were tracked weary miles, and at last killed, and their 
bodies left to rot. It is believed one or more of them endured the Indian torture befoiri 
being killed. The letter was found, and in after years shown to a leader in the massa- 
cre, and by him promptly destroyed. Two men, the Young Brothers, not Mormons, 
still live, who saw one of these three messengers shot to death, near Cottonwood, by 
Indians, under command of Ira Hatch, a Mormon. 

Meanwhile the decoy plan at the camp was put into effect. A white flag was dis- 
played, and Lee marched under its cover and met an envoy from the beleagured camp. 
He promised the emigrants protection if they would lay down their arms and march out. 
They could do nothing else, and acquiesced. The arms, the wounded and the children 
were put into two wagons, driven by Mormons; behind them came the women, march- 
ing in single file, and a httle back of them came the men, unarmed, starving, many 
wounded, and utterly despondent. On went the mournful procession. Lee marched 
between the two wagons. Suddenly he brought his gun to his shoulder and fired at a 
woman in the forward wagon, killing her instantly. It was the signal for the massacre. 
Indians rose from behind bushes, painted Mormons stepped from behind concealments, 
and all along the line the men and women were shot down like cattle in the shambles, 
while Lee and his aids dragged women and youths from the wagons and cut their throats 
from ear to ear. It is the most heartless, cold-blooded deed that ever disgraced the pages 
of history. The cowardly assassins could not have performed one single act that would 
have added to the blackness of their perfidy. They feigned friendship and sympathy, 
they induced these brave men to lay aside every weapon, and then shot them down like 
dogs. The venerable gray-headed clergymen, the sturdy farmers, the stalwart young men 
and the beardless youths, all were cut down, one by one, and above their dead bodies 
waved the stars and striper 

But this was not all ! The women were not all killed just yet ! Many fell by their 
husbands and fathers and brothers; but others were not permitted to die yet It was 
by a deliberate, predetermined forethought that the women were separated from their 
husbands' sides, as they left the corral. Men that had proven themselves fitnds had 
yet to prove themselves brutes. And they did so. « * » In the testimony which we 
publish herewith will be found Jake Hamlin's half told tale of how his Indian boy told 
him about Lee and an Indian chief cutting the throats of two girls aged fourteen and 
fifteen behind some bushes whither they had fled. Their pure bosoms could not quiver 



'neath the plunge of the cold steel blade, nor their white throats crimson before the keen 
knife's edge until they had suffered the torments of a thousand deaths at the hands of 
their brutal captors. 

Sick women, too ill to leave the corral, were driven up to the scene of slaughter, butch- 
ered and stripped. Some of the young men refused to join in the dreadful work. Jim 
Pearce was shot by his own father for protecting a girl that was crouched at his feet ! 
The bullet cut a deep gash in his face, and the furrowed sear is there to-day. Lee ia 
said to have shot a girl who was clinging to his son. A score of heartrending rumors 
are afloat about the deeds of that hour. One rumor comes from a girl who lived in Lee's 
own family for years. She told Mr. Beadle, the author of several works, that one young 
woman drew a dagger to defend herself against John D. Lee, and he killed her on the 
spot. 

And this story is told, too, of that day's darkness: A young mother saw her husband 
fall dead. He lay with his face upward, and the purple life-blood crimsoned his pale 
cheeks. She sprang to his side just as a great brutal ruffian attempted to seize her. 
Laying her tiny babe on her husband's breast, she drew a dirk knife, and, like a tigress 
at bay, confronted the vile- wretch. He recoiled in terror, but the next instant a man 
stepped up behind the brave woman and drove a knife through her body. Without a 
struggle she fell dead across her husband's feet. Picking up the dirk she had dropped, 
the fiend deliberately pinned the little babe's body to its father's, and laughed to see its 
convulsive death struggles. 

The orders were to spare children too young to remember. Bill Stewart and Joel 
White were to kill the rest. An old Indian who saw the deed says : 

" The little boys and girls were too frightened to do aught but fall at the feet of their 
tutchers and beg for mercy. Many a sweet little girl knelt before Bill Stewart, clasped 
his knees with her tiny white arms, and with tears and tender pleadings besought him 
not to take her life. Catching them by the hair of the head, he would hurl them to the 
ground, place his foot upon their little bodies and cut their throats. " 

Eight days after the massacre witnesses who visited the field of death, and testified at 
the first trial of Lee in 1875, saw the bodies of men, women and children strewn upon 
the ground and heaped in piles. Some were stabbed, others shot, and still others had 
their throats cut. There was no clothing left on man, woman or child, except that a 
torn stocking leg clung to the ankle of one. The wolves and ravens had lacerated every 
one of the corpses except one. There were one hundred and twenty-seven in all, and 
each bore the marks of wolves' teeth, except just one. It was the body of a handsome, 
well-formed lady, with a beautiful face and long flowing hair. A single bullet had pierced 
her side. Most of the bodies had been thrown into three piles, distant from each other 
about two rods and a half. 

Indians would certainly have taken scalps or burned bodies, if savage revenge had 
been the only thought. The closest examination was made, and not the slightest traces 
of the scalping knife could be discovered. 

Two months afterward a single Mormon — all honor to the man — gathered up the bones 
and placed them in the very hollow the emigrants had dug inside the corral. He acted 
upon his own responsibility, and went alone and unaided. He did the very best he 
could, but the task was horribly disagreeable, and the covering of earth which he placed 
upon the bodies was necessarily light. He testified at the first trial and said he picked 
up 127 skulls. Aden was killed, and the three messengers, making 131. Eighteen chil- 
dren were saved, one or two emigrants were buried in the corral after the first attack, so 
we must conclude that there were over 150 instead of 140 of th5 company, as generally 
believed heretofore. 

The raiment of the dead was parted among the murderers. The cattle were driven 



8 

112)011 Ilariiiony range 'and branded with the Church brand — a cross — after a portion had 
bet'U given to the Indians. The wagons were drawn to Cedar City and they and the 
other properties were stored in the Mormon tithing-house and subsequently sold at auc- 
tion, all marks of identity being destroyed by John M. Higbee, acting as auctioneer, 
and the tenth part due the Church paid into the tithing office. The children saved were 
subsequently gathered up by a Government agent, and as far as possible restored to 
their friends at the East. To this day the Indians who had taken part in the massacre 
declare, first, that they had nothing to avenge and had no animosity against the emi- 
grants — they were hired assassins; second, that the Mormons cheated them egregiously 
in dividing the spoils. 

It was a long time before the truth leaked out. The "DeseretNews," the Mormon organ 
at Salt Lake, never published a line in relation to the occurrence until thirteen months 
after it happened. The Duke train, passing afterward to California, heard of it, and 
the news reached California early the following winter. Then the old Chief Kanosh 
complained that the spoil was unfairly divided, and made his complaints loudly. So 
public attention was attracted. 

In the memories of some of the children lingered recollections of the butchery. At- 
tention was drawn by George Adair, who, in the streets of Cedar, ofteU' used to boast 
that he had taken biibes by the heels and dashed out their brains against the wagon 
wheels. In his drunken revels he would laugh and attempt to imitate the pitiful, 
crushing sound of the skull bones as they struck the iron bands of the wagon hubs. 
George Adair lives. 

Two boys, named John Calvin and Myron Tackett, aged respectively nine and seven, 
were brought to Salt Lake City and placed under the charge of a most estimable lady until 
arrangements could be made for sending them to Arkansas. John would often tell how 
he picked arrows from his mother's body as fast as the Indians would shoot them into 
her flesh. He saw his grandfather, grandmother, aunt, father and mother murdered. 
Clenching his little fists, he would burst into a little passionate speech like this: " When 
I get to be a man I'll go to the President of the United States and ask for a regiment of 
soldiers to go and find John D. Lee. But I don't want any one to kill Lee; I want to 
shoot him myself, for he killed my father. He shot my father in the back, but I would 
shoot him in the face." Many of the children saw Mormon women wearing their 
mothers' dresses. Haight's wives and Lee's wives were often seen in Cedar City wear- 
ing silks and satins that came from the Mountain Meadows women. Jewelry and orna- 
mental articles found their way through almost all the southern settlements. John said 
that Lee drove his father's iron-gray horses for a few days, and then a Bishop obtained 
possession of them. 

Next came the confession of Philip Klingensmith and his flight to California. The 
Mormon Church attempted to wash its hands of the afl"air, and so cut off Lee from the 
Church, and eight of Lee's eighteen wives left him, as that amounted to a divorcement, 
but still Brigham remained on intimate terms with Lee. At the last the United States 
officers procured indictments against Lee and some of the leaders, and after a long and 
dangerous chase Lee was captured. And thus we have compassed the whole story. 

When the facts became known relative to the exposure of the poor bones of the mur- 
dered emigrants, a company of United States troops was marched to the Meadows, and 
decent sepulture given the crumbling remains, and above the dead a wooden cross was 
was raised, with the inscription, "Vengeance is mine; I will repay, saith the Lord. " It 
did not stand long; vandal Mormon hands tore it down. Perhaps the perpetrators dis- 
liked the i^rophetic inscription, but this only succeeded in stamping it more deeply upon 
the hearts of the people of the United States. The Governor of the Territory, outraged 
at the destruction of the monument, gave the Mormons notice that they must restore it. 
Accordingly Brigham Young had a new one put up; but, lo, Brigham changed the in- 



Ecription so as to read, " Vengeance is mine; I have repaid, saith the Lord. " But very 
Boon even this M'as torn down, and after its second destruction a company of United 
States Volunteers restored it as it first stood. The monument now is again without its 
cross. The spot is marked by a heap of large stones gathered trom the neighboring 
hillsides. It is an irregular pile, twenty feet long and several feet wide. It is highest in 
the middle, and slopes like the roof of a house to each side. It is only three or four 
feet high, and bears no cross or inscription. 

THE FIRST AND SECOND TRIALS OF LEE. 

In the summer of 1874 indictments were first found by the Grand Jury of the Second 
Judicial District Court against Lee and several of his confederates for the massacre. 
By the vigilance of the officers, and after a long and patient pursuit through many dan- 
gers, " the butcher " was arrested. He was tried in July, 1875, before a jury of two 
Gentiles, nine regular "endowment robed saints" and one "Jack Mormon." Of 
course this jury would disagree. No matter how plain a case was made against the pris- 
oner, he was one of the " Lord's anointed, " and the holy priesthood were not ready to 
consent to his conviction. In the month of September, 1876, he was again placed upon 
trial. This time the prosecution purposely managed to have a jury composed entirely 
of Mormons. Knowing that a jury of Gentiles could not be had, new tactics were re- 
sorted to. The confession of Lea was proven to the jury and the evidence of eye- 
witnesses — both willing and unwilling — was brought out, proving his personal partici- 
pation in the tragedy. The evidence was so conclusive that Lee, to protect himself from 
its overwhelming force, was driven to make the defense that whatever he did on the 
field of carnage, was by order of the Priesthood, and his counsel were compelled to ar- 
gue that his superiors in the Church, and not Lee, were the responsible parties. It did 
not take long for that Mormon jury to make a choice between the conviction of Lee or 
the imputation against the " Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, " which the 
acquittal of Lee on the plea and justification which he had been forced to make, would 
cast upon them. It was a sad dilemma for that "Faithful Twelve," but they were placed 
in it, and it were better that a score of old polygamous wretches should be turned over 
to the sacriligious hands of Gentile officers to have their blood shed, in atonement for 
their sins, than that the shadow of suspicion should be cast upon the fair fame i, ?) of the 
Prophet, Seer and Revelator Brigham, or of his present retinue of Priests and Bishops. 
So Lee was convicted, a victim to his own indiscretion and want of foresight in forcing 
his counsel to i-eturn the heavy blows that the prosecution gave by the direct evidence 
of guilt, and send them back upon the heads of the Priesthood, who were sure to be 
championed by the jury, in preference to Lee. He, in the minds of the jury, 
might go down or up, and the rest of the human race go on to its appointed 
destiny; but to negative the revelations made to the Prophets Joseph and Brig- 
ham, that "this people" should be the "Salt of the Earth," by a verdict of ac- 
quittal for Lee upon any theory that would soil the purity of the Church leader, was 
too much to ask of men who wore the robe^ with which the Church dignitaries had, with 
solemn ceremony, clothed them. It was a sorry hour for Lee when he allowed the prose- 
cution to get between him and the "Church" jury. But it is said that "all things 
work together for good." Lee, seeing the bad faith shown by the Mormon jury in pre- 
ferring the honor of their Church to his existence, has made most startling disclosures, 
which we have every reason to believe will be followed up, and Jio reasonablo doubt can 
be entertained that the conviction of Lee will prove to be the beginning of au era of vis. 
itation of justice upon the outlaws in Utah, who in the name of religion have done such 
deeds, that the beautiful Territory they inhabit has become a by-word and reproach in 



10 



the land. To persons not conversant with the habit of implicit obedience to the will of 
the Priesthood which characterizes the mass of the Mormon people this horrible mas- 
sacre seems almost too black a deed to be credited as the work of white men ; but a 
knowledge of the blind subjection in which the followers of Brigham are kept, even to 
this day, will prepare the mind to accept as true all the details that have come to light 
concerning this massacre. Superstition and ignorance are the main props to that rotten 
structure, the Mormon Church, which has been erected in the beautiful valleys of Utah 
Territory to support Brigham Young and a few other leaders, whose lusts, greed and 
wicked practices have borne abundant fruit, regular every season, and in all seasons 
since the exodus of the original band of Saints from Nauvoo, in 1847. There are men 
to-day in the performance of high functions in the Mormon Church over whose heads 
the cloud is gathering, which will ere long break upon them. They will yet be brought 
to justice by means of the information given by their confederate, Lee, whom they 
thought powerless to do them harm. John D. Lee pays the penalty of his crime, and 
leaves a family of four wives and fifty-three children to mourn his departure. He had 
enough of human nature, notwithstanding he was most thoroughly imbued with bigotry, 
to place in the hands of the officers of the law lines that will, if followed up diligently, 
lead to results little dreamed of by his brethren, who are resting in fancied security. 
Lee, in his statement intended for publication as a part of his biography, tells the story 
of the massacre with much fullness. But it is known that he has not given all the horrible 
details. He has sheltered himself as well as he can; he has, even while at death's gate, 
touched lightly upon the hideous deeds of the participants in that butchery. He tells 
us nothing of the horrid acts following the attack; nothing of the outraged maidens who 
suffered first worse than death and then death itself. He deals not in the chilling de- 
scription of the butchery. He shrinks from the task of penning the blood-curdling hor- 
rors of that fearful day when men, women and children were tortured and butchered, 
and the name of man was shamed by those bearing his form. 

THE CONVICTION OP LEE. 

The conviction of Lee astonished the world no more than it did the prisoner. Both 
Lee and the world were satisfied that so far as guilt is concerned a conviction was meri- 
ted, but the former trusted and the latter expected Mormon influence would make the 
verdict "not guilty." Justice In Utah is such an enigmatical affair that few people 
puzzle themselves with endeavoring to pierce the veil to ascertain what power tips the 
scales of the blind goddess. In this Lee case, however, there is enough that is interest- 
ing, startling and marvelous to attract public attention. 

Two years ago, as we have already said, indictments were found against several of the 
Mountain Meadows murderers by the Beaver Grand Jury, to wit: John D. Lee, W. H. 
Dame, Isaac C. Haight, John M. Higbee, George Adair, J. E. Elliott Wildena, Samuel 
Jukes, Philip K. Smith and W. C. Stewart. 

At that time the knowing ones said nothing would ever come of it. Even before the 
indictments were reported by the jury, information was clandestinely communicated to 
those about to be indicted, and between two days they disappeared. Utah is so wild and 
extensive, so sparsely settled, and so intensely Mormon, that nobody dreamed United 
States Marshals could ferret out and arrest the villains. The capture of John D. Lee 
in the Panguish chicken-coop completely upset this Mormon theory of security. The 
arrest of Dame, the haughty Bishop of Parowau, further increased the danger that over- 
shadowed the Church. The Record-Union's bold exposition of the crime, giving de- 
tails of testimony that could be produced, and the whereabouts and religious standing 
of the perpetrators, caused a clamorous appeal from the press of the entii'e nation that 
justice be vindicated. Mormondom quaked, yet -Brigham Young's promise to John D. 



l.t 



11 

Lee at this time was, "Brother Lee, not a hair of your head shall be harmed." Didn't 
the Church control the juries ? Had not juries the ultimate decision ? and was not the 
promise safe ? 

The trial came on. At immense trouble and expense the prosecution had obtained 
evidence sufficient to convict. Every impediment which Mormon ingenuity could devise 
was thrown in the way to obstruct, mislead, and even intimidate the officers of the law. 
When our children write history no men will receive greater credit than the pioneer Gen- 
tile Judges, lawyers, and United States Marshals of Utah. 

At the proper time a list of the names of the jurymen who had been drawn 
was submitted to Lee and his attorneys by the Church authorities. A Church 
Council had previously taken this list and marked the names of such jurors 
as they knew could be trusted with an oblique cross ("X") ! This practice is 
said to be common in lawsuits where Mormon and Gentile interests are at issue 1 
Of course Lee accepted as many of the designated jurymen as possible. Half the re- 
sult of that first trial is known; it is, the jury disagreed. The vital half, however, is, 
that the Marshals and witnesses, the able attorneys for the prosecution, and most of all, 
the press of America, fastened the crime so conclusively upon Lee, Haight, Higbee, 

Dame, "White, Stewart and those far greater than these — that the Mormon leaders 

concluded some one must be sacrificed to save the church. 

Klingensmith, the ex-Bishop and apostate, a man sixty-three years of age, a former 
bigot, blinded by Mormonism to mercy and justice, is a man not bad to look 
upon, and has a fair reputation for truth. At the first trial he was brought, by great 
effort from the voids of San Bernardino, California, and kept under constant guard 
at his request, so greatly did he fear the Mormons. He testified at the first trial, 
and it will be noted that in Lee's confession he says a certain part of Klingensmith's 
story is correct. It becomes, therefore, a part of the confession, and hence we give a 
synopsis herein of his testimony at the first trial, July, 1875. It is generally accepted 
as a true story. As the second trial approached, little interest was felt in the result out- 
side of Utah. The press and public complained that no verdict of guilty could be ob- 
tained in Beaver. Despite hopelessness of the case, however, the United States Mar-^ 
shals determined to do their duty. As an instance, Marshal Crowe was sent by a circu- 
itous route to a point on the Colorado river, known as the Needles, where, at last ac- 
counts, Klingensmith resided. Arriving at the Needles, after a tedious, fatiguing jour- 
ney. Marshal Crowe found that his man had not been heard from for several months, 
but was probably somewhere down the Colorado river. It was an almost hopeless task* 
and was strangely desperate and adventurous, yet the Marshal concluded to drift down 
the river in an open boat with only Indians for guides, in quest of his witness. The 
country on either hand was desolate and uninhabited, save by bands of savage Indians, 
and yet, one morning, in an Indian camp, Klingensmith was discovered. He was 
brought to Beaver, but was never put on the witness-stand. He was not needed. Mor- 
mons had suddenly taken hold of the prosecution. Witnesses sprung up as if by magio. 
Witnesses that no Marshal ever could have found. Witnesses who knew all about the 
massacre; who could throw all the blame on Lee, and whose stoiy would completely ex- 
onerate the Church and the First Presidency. Even Brigham Young did not hesitate to 
give the prosecution his personal encouragement and assistance. 

He not only prepared and signed an affidavit purporting to tell what he knew about 
massacres, but he allowed the prosecuting attorney free access to his own private papers. 
Could anything be more shrewd and statesmanlike than allowing the introduction of that 
affidavit ? The moment it was read in Court, Brigham Young became a witness on the 
part of the pi-osecution, and henceforth and forever became freed from the possibility of 
ever being prosecuted for complicity in the massacre. 



V 



John D. Lee knew nothing whatever of the death-toils that were being woven aronnd 
him. It is notorious that, in Mormon plots and machinations, no point is left unguarded 
In this case deluding the victim was an important point. Despite the proof that was to 
be adduced, despite the pains taken to convince all parties (except Lee) that the Mor- 
mon authorities were laboring for a conviction, one last, desperate, clinching precaution 
must be taken. Lee must again select such jurymen as the Church should designate. 
For this reason he must continue to believe that the Church was still standing staunchly 
by him. They succeeded. In vain his attorneys assured him that he was deserted, and 
that his old Church fellows, whose endowment garments were cut after the same pattern 
as those he was wearing, had resolved upon his conviction. He knew they were faith- 
ful. He had been told, secretly and openly, to put his trust in the Lord and the Church. 
And finally, when the jury list was secretly placed in his hands, with the names of the 
faithful marked "X, " he exultingly exhibited it to his counsel as proof of the fidelity 
oJ his dear old Mormon Church. Not a single juryman was selected whose name was 
not marked. Lee's doom was sealed. 

The trial developed no new facts. The only important feature in the testimony, was 
that it fastened the crime more directly upon inferiors, and rendered it more remotely 
possible that superiors were implicated. Noticeably this second trial was a defense of 
the Church, and an attempt by the Mormon rulers to use the Courts to whitewash them- 
selves, an effort, however, in which the officers of the law outwitted them. Considered 
in a strict judicial light, the testimony was not nearly so strong nor so convincing as 
that produced at the first trial, yet the jury unanimously and speedily brought in a ver- 
dict, of guilty. It was supposed to be a double verdict, a conviction of Lee 
and an acquittal of all others concerned in the massacre. Ah; how foolish ! 
Nearly twenty years ago the massacre was committed, yet most of the men still 
live who shot, and stabbed, and brained one hundred and thirty-three defense- 
less emigrants at the Mountain Meadows. Many of those who murdered indiscrimi- 
nately men, women and children, and who stripped the bodies stark naked and left them 
for the wolves to mutilate, are to-day inhabitants of Utah and honest members of the 
Mormon Church, Even Bill Stewart, the wretch who cut the children's throats; and 
George Adair, the fiend who boasts of having taken babes by the heels and of dashing 
out their brains against the wagon wheels, both are safely dwelling among the Mormons 
near Cedar City or St. George. Lee's conviction is all well enough so far as it goes, but 
for the sake of humanity let not the work stop here. Must justice accept the life of 
poor old John D. Lee, decrepit, gray-haired, stricken as he is with years, as full atone- 
ment for the innocent blood that was cruelly, mercilessly, shed on the Mountain Mead- 
ows ? The nation will answer. 

THE STOEY OF KLINGENSMITH, AS TOLD AT THE FIRST TRIAL. 

Klingensmith turned State's evidence. He lived at Cedar City from 1857 to 1872; 
the Meadows are forty-five miles south of Cedar City, on the California road; was at 
massacre in September, 1857; heard of the emigrants' coming; people were forbidden to 
trade with them; felt bad about it; saw a few of them at Cedar City; this was on Friday; 
Bome swore, and Higbee fined them ; they went on ; heard rumors of trouble ; on Sunday it 
was customary to have meetings; the President and Council discussed the matter as to 
their destruQtion; Haight, Higbee, Moirell, Allen, Willis, myself and others, were 
there; some of the brethren opposed the destruction; I did; Haight jumped up and 
broke up the meeting; I asked what would be the conseqences of the act; then Haight 
got mad; Indians were to destroy them on Monday; Higbee, Haight, White and I met 
and discussed the same subject again; I opposed the distruction, and Haight relented; 
he told White and I to go ahead and tell the people that the emigrants should go through 



safe; we did so; on the road we met John D. Lee; told him where we were going; he 
replied, " I have something to say about that matter; " we passed the emigrants at Iron 
Springs; the next morning we passed them again as we came back; they had twenty or 
thirty wagons, and over one hundred people, old men and middle aged, and women, 
youths and children; near home we met Ira Allen; he said the emigrants' doom was sealed; 
the die was cast for their destruction; that Lee's orders were to take men and go out and 
intercept them ; Allen was to go on and counteract what we had done; I went home; 
three days after Haight sent for me, and said news had come from the men, and that 
they did not get along well, and wanted reinforcements; that he had been to Parowan 
and got further orders from Colonel W. H. Dame to finish the massacre; to decoy them 
out and spare only the small children who could not tell tales; I went off; met Allen, 
our first runner, and others; Higbee came oiit and said, "You are ordered out, armed 
and equipped; " Hopkins, Higbee, John Willis and Samuel Purdy went along; had two 
baggage wagons; got to Hamblin's ranch, three miles from emigrants; there met Lee and 
others from the general camp, where the largest number of men were; found that the 
emigrants were not all killed; Lee called me out for consultation one side; he told me 
the situation; the emigrants were strongly fortified, with no chance to get at them, but 
that Higbee had been ordered to decoy them out the best way he could; that was agreed 
to and the command given to John D. Lee to carry out the whole plan; they went to the 
camp; Lee formed all his soldiers into a hollow square and addressed them; they were 
all white men, about fifty in all; the Indians were in another camp; saw there Slade and 
his son Jim, Pearce, probably his son, too; all these were from Cedar, and Bill Stewart 
and Jacobs; think Dan McFarland was there too; Slade and I were outraged, but we 
said, " What can we do ; we can't help ourselves;" just then an order to march was 
given, and we had to go; we were put in double file; Higbee had command of part of 
the men. It was the Nauvoo Legion, organized from tens to hundreds; marched to 
within sight of the emigrants; either Batemau or Lee went out with a white flag, and a 
man from the emigrants met them ; Lee and the man sat down on the grass and had a 
talk; don't know what they said; Lee went with the man into the intrenchments; after 
some hours he came out, and the emigrants came up with their wounded in wagons 
ahead; the wounded were those hurt in the three days iDrevious fight; they said the Mor- 
mons and Indians couldn't oust the emigrants; next came the women; next the men; as 
the emigrants came up the men halted, and the women on foot, children and wounded, 
went on ahead with John D. Lee; the soldiers had orders to be all ready to shoot at the 
word; when the word "Halt !" came the soldiers fired; I fired once; don't know if I 
killed any; the men were not all killed at the first shot; saw women afterwards with 
their throats cut; I saw, as I came up to them, a man kill a young girl; the men were 
marched in double file first, then thrown into single file, with the soldiers alongside; 
heard the emigrants' congratulations on their safety from the Indians; at last John M. 
Higbee came and ordered my squad to fire; Lee, like the rest, had firearms; no emi- 
grants escaped; saw soldiers on horses take on the wing those who ran; saw a man run; 
saw Bill Stewart, on a horse, go after and kill him; saw a wounded man beg for his life; 
Higbee cut his throat; the man said; "I would not do this to you;" Higbee knew him 
after he fired ; was told to gather up the little children as we went; saw a large woman 
running toward the men, crying, " My husband ! My husband !" A soldier shot her in 
the back, and she fell dead; as I went on I found the wagons, with the wounded all out 
on the ground dead, with their throats cut; went on and found the children; put them 
in a wagon and took them to Hamblin's house; saw no more, as the soldiers dispersed 
them; two children were wounded, and one died at Hamblin's; think I had to leave it 
there; there were many soldiers from the counties south whom I did not know; the next 
day McCurdy, Willis and myself took the children to Cedar City, leaving one at Pinto 



14 

creek; on the road met a freight train of wagons, with men living here in Beaver now 
on it; I went to old Mrs. Hopkins, and told her I had the children; she rustled round 
and got places for them ; I took one girl baby home; my wife suckled it; afterwards I 
gave it to Dick Beck, he having no children; they were all well treated, I believe; we got 
good places for them, where there were few children. 

After several days Haight sent me to Iron Springs, where the wagons came, and the 
goods of the emigrants were. Got them and put them in the tithing house. I was to 
brand the cattle, too. Found there John Urie, and a hunter, and Allen. I put the 
goods in the church tithing office cellar; left the wagons in front of the tithing office; 
branded the cattle with the church brand— a cross. Lee was in (he cellar with me, and 
saw the goods. Haight and Higbee told me that a council had been held, and that Lee 
had been deputed to go to President Brigham Young and report all the facts of the mas- 
sacre. Lee went. I followed, to attend the Conference, October 6th, at Salt Lake City. 
Met Lee at Salt Lake, and asked him if he had reported to Brigham Young; he said, 
"Yes, every particular." On the same day, I, Lee and Charley Hopkins called on 
Brigham Young. He there, in the presence of them, said: " You have charge of that 
property in the tithing office; turn it over to John D. Lee; What you know of this say 
nothing. Don't talk of it, even among yourselves." When I came home I had to go 
to the V«gas lead mines to get ore ; while I was gone Lee took the property and had an 
auction, so Haight and Higbee told me; Haight sold part of the cattle to Hooper, Utah's 
Congressional delegate afterwards, for boots and shoes; there were Indians in the mas- 
sacre; the hills were pretty full of them; they were deputed to kill the women; saw one 
Indian cut a little boy's throat; heard no effort to restrain the Indians; some of the In- 
dians were wounded and three of them died of their wounds; the Indians came back to 
Cedar, where I lived; one was called Bill and one Tom, both chiefs; saw some of the 
emigrants' property with the Indians; saw Lee get dresses and jeans from the tithing- 
office out of the emigrants' plunder; I learned from Allen that Lee was the one to gather 
up the Indians to attack the emigrants, and talked with Lee about it; afterwards Lee was 
Indian Agent at the Harmony Agency, traded with the tribes, and issued goods and ra- 
tions of the Government to the Indians. 

Am a Pennsylvanian, At 22 years of age went to Indiana; at 26 to Michigan; thence 
to Nauvoo in 18i4. Left there with the Mormons in 1846, and went to Iowa; thence to 
Council Bluffs. In 1849, came to Salt Lake; thence to San Pete, and raised two crops; 
thence to Parawan; thence to Cedar City in 1852, and stayed till 1859. Then went to 
Toquerville; thence to Beaver, where I stayed a year and a half; then back to Toquer- 
ville and stayed six months. Then went on a ranch and stayed one year; thence to Paro- 
wan, and stayed there one year; thence to the river Muddy, and stayed a part of two 
years. Left there in 1865 and went back to Parowan, and remained there over a year. 
Then went to Meadow Valley, Lincoln couuty, Nevada, and live there yet; go out pros- 
pecting. At Nauvoo I was an Elder, and belonged to the ninth quorum of the Seven- 
ties. At Cedar City, in 1857. was Bishop over Cedar. My duty was to act in temporal 
affairs, collect the tithings, aud see to making field and water ditches. Was under the 
Presidency of Haight, to whom I was subordinate. The people held counsels with me. 
James Whittaker and old Daddy Morris were my counselors. The first I heard of the 
emigrants was their being ordered out of Salt Lake. President Haight gave out that 
the people were not to supply the emigrants. He gave the order at an afternoon meet- 
ing of officials. Haight preached on the subject; he said the emigrants were to be de- 
stroyed. Allen favored it with Haight. Higbee also agreed to it. No particular reasons 
were given for the order. That astonished me, and as many opposed as favored the ac- 
tion. Morrill, myself and the councilors opposed it. I had the right to appeal to the 
higher power, but did not. Knew of no power I could then resort to. Haight preached 



16 

to the people not to fumish the emigrants with supplies, after he first heard of the emi- 
grants coming, only three or four days before they come. A year before, Haight 
preached to the people not to supply any emigrants. Do not know that Indians had 
been gathering to destroy the train; had they been so gathering I must have known it. 
I did hear that Indians were to go to the Meadows ahead and do the work. I never knew 
why the emigrants were to be killed. Did not try to rally the people to prevent the mas- 
sacre; had no power to do so; went as far as I could, and protested against it. Did not 
try to prevent any man going to the massacre; had I undertaken that it would have 
been bad with me. [Sensation in Court]. I was afraid of both the Church and the 
military authorities. If a man did not then walk up to orders it would not be well for 
him. I feared personal violence; I feared I would be killed. I had power only on small 
temporal cases. I had to obey Haight and his counsel, composed of Higbee and the 
younger Morris. I had my fears from my long knowledge of the discipline of the 
Church. I think I knew of one man being put out of the way. I heard of others, and 
believed it. I heard of Hasmus Anderson being put out of the way for adultery, and 
believe it. I heard of three others being put away. I do not know how Anderson was 
killed. 

I did not hear Lee's address to the men while formed in hollow square, as I was at 
one side. I did say to the Council on the field that if the orders came from due authority 
we must go and carry them out. Higbee said, as we went to the front, that two emi- 
grants had escaped from camp; that they had been overtaken at Klchard's Springs; one 
had been killed and the other wounded, and had again escaped. Did not say it was ne- 
cessary to exterminate the emigrants to prevent the news going to California of the kill- 
ing at Richard's Springs, and that thus prevent the incursions of Californians to take 
revenge. Heard those say who came for troops that, during the first three days, whites 
and Indians together fought the emigrants. I was ten feet from an emigrant wagon op- 
posite me when I fired. Cannot say if I hit him. Did so, probably. I observed or- 
ders: No motive of robbery moved me; had not heard it talked of as a motive. Of the 
seventeen children saved, the oldest was a boy of two or three years. I kept one of 
them. Higbee got the oldest boy; Hamblin got the wounded ones; Ingham got one. 
Do not remember who got the rest. Did not talk to Brigham Young of the massacre. 
Told Charles Dalton of it in Salt Lake. Had no right to speak to Young, Cannon, or 
George Smith of it, unless they asked me. I first made public about the massacre three 
years ago, at BuUionville, in an affidavit to Charles Wendell, sworn to before the County 
Clerk at Pioche. Was out of the Mormon Church five years ago. Resigned as Bishop 
in 1858-9. Never considered myself in full fellowship after that. Am not now a Mor- 
mon, and never expect to be again. 

THE SECOND TRIAL OF LEE AT BEAVER, UTAH TERRITORY, SEPTEM- 
BER, 1876. 

Daniel H. Wells, formerly General of Utah militia and chief commander of Brigham 
Young, one of the " Twelve," and for years Mayor of Salt Lake City, was the first wit- 
ness. He testified that he knew Lee, who had been a Major in the militia, and in 1857, 
was Farmer to the Indians and was considered to have influence with the Indians. 

Labon Morrill testified that he was at a council at Cedar City in 1857. It was about 
the passage of the emigrant train. There was some confusion, and witness was told 
that the emigrants had made threats against the Mormon people, and that an army was 
coming also. Witness objected to ofi'ensive measures against the emigrants, and it was 
at last agreed to send a dispatch to the Governor, Brigham Young, and nothing done till 
an answer was had. Witness went home, some seven miles away. About forty-eight 
hours before the messenger to Young returned, witness was called to Cedar on business, 



16 

and then learned that the emigrants had been destroyed. Bishop Klingensmith and 
Haight were at the council. It was understood the emigrants were down at Mountain 
Meadows, that Lee was there, and that a messenger should be sent to him to have the 
thing stayed. Some of the emigrants had sworn they had killed old Joe Smith, and there 
•was excitement over it. Haigbt and Kliugensmith were in favor of killing the emigrants. 
John D. Lee lived then at Harmony and was a man of influence with the Indians. At 
the council witness asked what authority they were acting on; and the reply was, on their 
own authority, 

James Hariem swore he was the messenger to Brigham Young at Salt Lake. Haight 
told him September 7, 1857, that he had sent word the Indians had the emigrants cor- 
raled at tbe Meadows. Haight said he would send a message to Lee also to keep the In- 
dians in check till witness returned. " Witness left at 5 ;50 p. m., changed horses frequently, 
and reached tbe city and saw Young, who told him to rest two hours and be at his office 
thereafter. After the rest asked him if be could start back at once, and he replying he 
could, he told him not to spare horseflesh, as the emigrants must be allowed to go in 
peace. Witness made a forced ride and returned an^ delivered the message, and Haight 
said it was too late. Joseph Clemes was the messenger sent to Lee, and Haight told him 
to tell Lee to hold the Indians back till witness returned. 

Joel White testified that be sent him from CeJar City to Pinto, which the emigrants 
■were supposed to be approaching, to tell the man in chaige at Pinto to pacify the In- 
dians and let the emigrants pa=3 After going a mile an J a half they met John D. Lee 
coming to Cedar, Lee asked vfhat calculation the people had come to with regard 
to the emigrants passing. Ha was told they were to be allowed to pass, and what the 
message of witness was. Lee replied, " I don't know about that," or, " I have some- 
thing to do about that," and then drove on. Witness and companion went on, and on 
return saw the emigrants camped between Pinto and Cedar, at Iron Springs. They had 
not yet reached Pinto. This was four or five or six days before the massacre. When he 
met the emigrants at Iron Springs, Klingensmith pointed out to him some of them as 
those who had made threats, and one who had said he helped kill Joe Smith. 

Samuel Knight swore that he and Jake Hamlin, in the summer of 1857, lived 
on the Mountain Meadows, berding stock there. The valley is four and a half 
miles long and half a mile wide, surrounded by hills and mountains, with a 
gap at each end. At the northeast end gap was Hamlin's ranch, the other gap 
leads out on to the desert. Through the Meadows a stream flows that leads into the 
Santa Clara river. Witness was living in a wagon box near Hamblin's, His wife had 
just been conSned and was at the point of death. Witness had been down to the Santa 
Clara, thirty-five miles below, on business, and was returning, after the massacre, i. e., f^^ 
after the first attack. Lee fold witness of the attack. He met Lee, who hailed him. 
Lee showed witness bullet holes in his clothing and hat. He said he had attacked the 
emigrants with tbe Indians and had been repulsed. He said he had made the attack 
that morning at daylight, and said he had had a narrow escape from being shot from the 
camp. It was dusk when witness met him. He did not notice paint on Lee's face. He 
had on a hickory shirt, a straw hat and homespun pants. The day of the massacre of 
the men, women and children Lee came about noon to witness to get his wagon, Klin- 
gensmith was with him. He said he wanted it to haul away the sick and wounded to 
the settlements, where they could be cared for. Witness did not want to go, as his wife 
was sick, but they insisted, and said duty called. He finally said if his team went he 
should go, too, as the horses were young and fractious; so he went — went to near the 
south end of tbe Meadows and drove up to a camp of Indians and white men, nearly 
half a mile to the left of the road, near a little spring. He was soon told to drive to the 
emigrant camp, a half-mile oflf, and follow another team down. A man, walking beside 



17 

Lee, carried the white flag, and they were met by an emigrant carrying a white rag on a 
stick. They consulted, and then the teams moved on to the emigrants' corral. Then 
witness' wagon was loaded with their guns, bedding and a few persons, Lee superin- 
tended the loading. In the other wagon were people mostly. Then the wagons started 
northward lengthwise of the meadows, witness being behind the other wagon with his. 
Men, women and children came along, after we drove out a little ways. The wagon went 
faster than the emigrants, and got a quarter of a mile in advance of them— or at least a 
little distance. Lee was along with the wagons, ahead of the emigrants. When that 
distance, witness heard a gun fired behind and below him, nearly a quarter of a mile. 
Looked back and saw Indians getting up from behind the brush and butchering the emi- 
grants. Witness leaped out to see to his train. He saw Lee raise something as if a gun 
or club in the act of striking a woman in the wagon ahead and she fell. The team be- 
came frightened and witness saw no more, having to attend to it; but those in the wagons 
were all killed. There was another man or two at the wagons with Lee and plenty oi 
Indians. Witness said he made an effort to see as little as he could of the massacre* 
The next day the cattle were driven away, and the wagons and all the emigrants' prop- 
erty also were taken away". 

Samuel McCurdy swore that John M. Higbee called on him at Cedar City to go to the 
Meadows with his team and wagon. He was given two hours' notice to get ready. This 
was the day before the general massacre, js number went in the wagon from Cedar City 
— Klingensmith, Hopkins, and two or three others. Was told they were going to arrest 
the attack on the emigi'ants made by Indians. Got there in the night. Next day John 
D. Lee ordered him to drive after him to the emigrants' camp. A man named Bateman 
was sent out to meet the emigrants, vnth a white flag. Lee went after him, and met the 
emigrants' envoy, and a consultation was had, which witness did not hear. In ten or 
twelve minutes, Lee ordered the wagons on and they drove to the emigrants' camp. 
Witness' wagon was loaded with bedding and goods and people — men, women and chil- 
dren. " Some would have their things with them as if they were going a journey." 
Some were wounded, ^he wagons were ordered by Lee to drive out and they went, Lee 
walking between the two wagons — behind the first one, which moved fast, and got well 
ahead of the second. Witness' team was one of very fast walkers. Lee checked wit- 
ness up several times. When they got over the hill, out of sight of the camp, Lee cried 
out "hall,!" At that instant witness heard a gun right back of him. Le turned and 
looked back and saw Lee with his gnu at his shoulder. When it exploded he saw a 
woman fall. He must of hit her in the back of the head. Witness turned around and 
heard a sound of — as if striking with a heavy instrument, but he saw no striking. Witness 
turned again to the other side and saw Lee draw his pistol and shoot two or three in the 
bead who were in the wagon. "He must have killed them; they were men and women." 
As soon as Lee fired his gun witness heard volleys of firing. His shot was the signal 
for the beginning. Witness could not name any of the men at the Meadows but Lee, 
Bateman and Klingensmith. The others were strangers to him. He thought he might 
remember more if he was to sit down and think a while. Witness, after a severe cross- 
examination, declared he knew no more. He was absorbed by his team, and had be- 
lieved he was on an errand of mercy till the firing began. He admitted that at the Mor- 
mon camp he saw no Indians the morning after his arrival there, but saw many after the 
firing began, but could not recollect seeing them doing anything; he was so engaged and 
frightened that he could not see or recollect of seeing anything but that he had testified 
to. Lee took the dead out of the wagon and left them there where they were killed. 

Nephi Johnson was sworn. In 1857 he lived in Iron county (the Meadows are in that 
county). He was a farmer, and could interpret for the Indians. He was at the massa- 
cre; he was then 19 years old. On Thursday he was "called" by Isaac Haight; the next 



18 



day the emigrants were killed. He went to Cedar City with EHingensmith's son and an- 
other man, and Haight told him to accompany the men going to the Meadows, and he 
did so. He was told they were going " to bury the dead slain by the Indians." He got 
there at midnight; saw Lee and Klingensmith there next morning; Lee spoke to some 
new Indians of having had a fight with the emigrants; said he and the Indians had at- 
tacked the emigrants and had been repulsed . Saw a bullet hole in his shirt, which the 
Indians said he received in the attack; thought he saw something like paint around his 
hair. Lee had a good influence over the Indians. Witness saw no Pahvant Indians 
there. All this was at Hamlin's ranch. On Friday morning Lee and Klingensmith took 
witness to the camp. There were white men camped there, and below the emigrants 
was the Indian camp. Witness described the " flag of truce " business, the going down 
of the wagons and their coming out. Klingensmith and Lee engineered the thing. He 
saw the emigrants file out unai-med. The women and children marched together and 
first, the men together and a little behind. Witness was on a knoll where he had ran to 
catch his escaping horse, and overlooked the scene. He had a pistol, but swears he took 
no part in the massacre. He heard a gun fire behind the wagons, saw the Indians rise 
and rush on the emigrants. He saw the emigrants killed. Saw Lee fire his gun at a 
woman, who fell in the lead wagon. Saw Lee and Indians pull persons from the wag- 
ons. The massacre meanwhile went on lower down. Saw Lee make a motion as if cut- 
ting a throat, believe he did so from the acts and motions in pulling the person from 
the wagon. The massacre lasted " not more than five minutes, maybe not over three 
minutes." Since then Lee has told witness about the first attack, which was made at 
daylight one morning. Lee went with the Indians to make it. Wtness counted thir- 
teen of the emigrants' wagons. The cattle were taken to Iron Springs, by Lee's order. 
Witness saw several of the wagons at Harmony (where Lee lived) after thai. Saw some 
oi the stock on Harmony range, near Lee's residence. He told witness he had given 
the Indians considerable beef, and the Indians told witness he had. The Indians in 
Southern Utah were friendly in 1857. Lee's relation to those near by were good, but as 
to ^hose further south and on the Santa Clara witness did not know. There might have 
been twenty-five or thirty men in the Mormon camp. Witness thought sure there were 
ten or fifteen. Bateman and Hopkins, whom he saw there, are dead. He saw Isaac 0. 
Haight at the Meadows, and also Higbee and old man Young. Lee was witness' superior 
officer, hence he did not question his talk about the attack, cr interfere in it. Witness 
went to the Meadows, as he did not deem it safe to refuse, as danger would come from 
his bBperior officers at Cedar City, and Haight was the highest officer. 

THE SCENE OF THE MASSACEE. 

Jacob Hamblin, whose ranch was at the north end of the Meadows, and who was ab- 
sent at the time of the massacre, testified to being on the ground seven or eight days 
after the butchery. He saw the bodies of the company lying about; there were over 
100; saw no live ones there. " The next spring I took my man and we buried over 120 
skulls — skeletons — I don't remember exactly — something like 120. Two of us gathered 
up the bones. We counted them. I think it was 120 odd. I am satisfied it was over 
that, but I don't know just the number. I met Lee at Fillmore after the massacre. I 
told him that I heard the rumor of it among the Indians and he told me about it. I 
asked him how it came up, or something of that kind. He said that the emigrant^ 
passed through and threatened te make their outfit out of those outlying settlements, 
and he went out -vyith some Harmony Indians, and that those Indians made an attack 
upon them and one got killed and another wounded, and they came to him and made 
him lead the attack; that he got a bullet through his ha* and another through his 
shirt. I asked him why it was, and he said he went to watch them— to see that they 



19 

didn't get their outfit out of these outlying settlements; that he could not keep the In- 
dians back: he got a bullet-hole through his shirt; he then afterwards got some more 
Indians, and had to decoy them out. I talked about it with him, and he justified him- 
self in this way — that the Indians made him go out and lead the next attack; that they 
afterwards called on the Santa Clara Indians; that he decoyed them out and they mas- 
sacred them. 

Q. — Did he say where he decoyed them out? A. — He decoyed them out of the emi- 
grant oamp. He said the attack had been made by the Indians and that they could not 
keep them back; and it was supposed expedient, with an army right on our borders, 
.that they would lead to giving the people much trouble, that they would testify against 
them, etc., and it was thought best to use them up — all that could tell tales. 

There were two young ladies brought out by an Indian Chief at Cedar City, and he 
asked him what he should do with them, and the Indian killed one and he killed the 
other. 

Q — Tell the story as he told you? A.— That is about it. 

Q. — "Where were these two young women brought from; did he say? A. — From a 
thicket of oak brush where they were concealed. It was an Indian Chief of Cedar City. 

Q.— Tell just what he said about that? A. — The Indian killed one and he cut the 
other's throat. 

Q. — Who cut the other's throat? A. — Mr. Lee. 

Q.— Tell me what Mr. Lee said; state the circumstances of that killing; what conver- 
sation passed between the Indian Chief and Lee, and the conversation between the 
women and himself? A. — I don't know that I could. 

Q. — Tell all you remember of it; you say the Chief brought him the girls? A. — I 
think I have told it about all. 

Q. — Go over it again; tell us all the details of the conversation of the killing? A. — 
Well, he said they were all killed; all, as he supposed; that the Chief of Cedar City 
then brought out two young ladies. 

A SHOCKING TALE. 

[It is believed, and has been stated by this same witness, and by others well-fitted to 
know, and in the presence of the compiler of this testimony, that these two girls were 
first outraged and then killed. 1 

Q. — What did he say the Chief said to him? A. — Asked what he would do with them. 

Q.—What else did the Chief say? A.— The Chief said they didn't ought to be killed. 

Q. — Why, did the Chief say to Lee why they should not be killed? A. — Well, he said 
they were pretty and he wanted to save them. 

Q. — What did Lee tell you that he replied to the Chief? A. — According to the orders 
that he had they were too big and too old to let live. 

Q. — Then what did he say took place — what did he say he told the Chief to do? A. — 
The Chief shot one of them. 

Q.— Did he say he told him to shoot her? A.— He said he told him to. 

Q.—What did he say the girl did when he told the Chief to shoot her? A.— I don't 
know. 

Q. — Did she cover her face? A. — No, he didn't say she covered her face. 

Q. — Did he say she pulled her bonnet down over her face? A. — He didn't tell me so. 

Q. — Who did he say was by when that shooting took place? A. — Indians standing 
around. A good many. 

Q. — After the Chief shot that one did he tell you what the other one said or did to 
him — Lee? A. — I don't think Mr. Lee did tell me. 

Q.— Did he tell you himself who did kill the other one? A. — I said he told me it was 
a Cedar City Chief killed one. 



20 



Q. — Who killed the other? A.- -He done it, he said. 

Q. — How? A. — He threw her down and cut her throat. 

Q. — Did he tell you what she said to him? A— No. 

Q. — Who did tell you that? A. — The Indians told me a good many things. 

Q. — Didn't Mr. Lee tell you that she told him to spare her life; that she would serve 
liim as long as she lived? A. — Mr. Lee didn't tell me that. 

Q. — Did you ascertain in that conversation or subsequently where it was that they 
were killed? A. — When I got home I asked my Indian boy, and he went out to where 
this took place, and he saw two young ladies lying there with their throats cut. 

Q. — How old was he? A. — 16 or 18. 

Q. — What was the condition of those bodies? A. — They were rather in a putrid state; 
their throats were cut. I didn't look further than that. 

Q. — About what was their ages? A. — Looked about 14 or 15. 

Q. — At what point were their bodies from the others? A. — Southeast direction, to- 
-wards some thickets of oak. 

Q. — How far off ? A. — About fifty yards. 

Q. — Were those bodies up a ravine a little ways? A. — Yes; on a raise of ground. 

Q., — What were their ages, about? A. — 13 to 15 I would suppose. 

Q. — Did you learn from one of the children or from any other source their names? 
A. — Well, I suppose I did. 

Q. — What name? A. — There was a little girl at my house, I found with my family, 
that was in that company; she said their names was Dunlap; she claimed to be their 
sister. 

Q.— How old was she? A. — 8 years old, she said. 

Q. — Did you go up there and find the bodies yourself, with the assistance of the In- 
dian boy? A.— I walked over the ground and looked at all that ground pretty much, 
and I saw these two bodies. 

Q. — He told you about where those two bodies were to be found, did he? A. — Yes, 
sir; the others had been buried slightly, but those two hadn't been; there was quite a 
number scattered around there. 

Q. — What became of the children of those emigrants — how many children were 
brought there? A. — Two to my house and several to Cedar City; I was acting sub- 
agent for Forney; I gathered the children up for him — 17 in number, all I could learn 
of; I gathered up 17. 

Q.— Who did you deliver them to? A.— Forney, Superintendent of Indian AflFaira for 
Utah. 

Q. — Was there any of the wagons or property burned there on the gronnd? A. — I 
never saw any sign of burning, and never heard of any. 

Q. — There must have been a good deal said by Lee about the reasons for this massa- 
cre of emigrants? A. — The cause that he always gave to me was that which I told you 
— that they came through here and behaved very rough, and said that they helped kill 
old Joe Smith, and was going to be ready there at the Meadows when their teams got 
recruited, and when Johnston commenced on the north end they would on the south 
end; and he was asked by authority — Bishop Haight or Dame — to go and watch these 
emigrants and see that they didn't molest those weak settlements — when I asked him 
■what it was for — that in doing so when the Indians got there they made this attack at 
daylight. 

Q.— The Indians then made the first attack? A. — He said they made it voluntarily — 
Ihey made the first attack. 

Q. — You spoke of General Johnston being on the borders with an army marching on 
Utah? A. — Yes, at Fort Bridger then. 



21 



Q. — Who was it that Johnston was understood to be marching against at that time? 
A. — The understanding and feeling was that he was marching against the Mormons as a 
people, nation or Church, and was going to try to burst up the whole concern. That 
was what we expected. 




JOHN D. LEE. 



THE STATEMENT OF JOHN D. LEE OF THE FACTS CONNECTED WITK 
THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACKE. 



In the month of September, 1857, the company of emigrants known as the *' Arkan. 
sas Company" arrived in Parowan, Iron county, Utah, on their way to California. At 
Parowan young Aden, one of the company, saw and recognized one William Laney, a 
Mormon resident of Parowan. Aden and his father had rescued Laney from an anti- 
Mormon mob in Tennessee several years before and saved his life. He (Laney), at the 
time he was attacked by the mob, was a Mormon missionary in Tennessee. Laney was 
glad to see his friend and benefactor, and invited him to his house and gave him some 
garden sauce to take back to the camp with him. The same evening it was reported to 
Bishop (Colonel) Dame that Laney had given potatoes and onions to the man Aden, one 
of the emigrants. When the report was made to Bishop Dame he raised his hand and 
crooked his little finger in a significant manner to one Barney Carter, his brother-in- 
law, and one of the "Angels of Death." Carter, without another word, walked out, 
went to Laney's house with a long picket in his hand, called Laney out and struck him 
a heavy blow on the head, fracturing his skull, and left him on the ground for dead. 
C. Y. Webb and Isaac Newman, President of the "High Council," both told me that 
they saw Dame's maneiivres. James McGuffee, then a resident of Parowan — but 
through oppression has been forced to leave there and is now a merchant in Pahranagat 
Valley, near Pioche, Nevada — knows these facts. About the last of August, 1857, some 
ten days before the Mountain Meadows massacre, the company of emigrants passed 



22 

throtigli Cedar City. George A. Smith— then First Counselor in the Church and Brig- 
ham Young's right hand man — came down from Salt Lake City, preaching to the differ- 
ent settlements. I, at that time, was in Washington county, near where St. George now 
stands. He sent for me. I went to him, and he asked me to take him to Cedar City by 
way of Fort Clara and Pinto settlements, as he was on business and must visit all the 
settlements. We started on our way up through the canyon. We saw herds of Indians, 
and he (George A. Smith) remarked to me that these Indians, with the advantage they 
had of the rocks, could use up a large company of emigrants, or make it very hot for 
them. After pausing for a short time he said to me, " Brother Lee, what do you think 
the brethren would do if a company of emigrants should come down through here mak- 
ing threats? Don't you think they would pitch into them ?" I replied that they " cer- 
tainly would." This seemed to please him, and he again said to me, " And you really 
think the brethren would pitch into them ?" "I certainly do," was my reply, " and 
you had better instruct Colonel Dame and Haight to tend to it that the emigrants are 
permitted to pass if you want them to pass unmolested." He continued, "I asked Isaac 
(meaning Haight) the same question, and he answered me just as you do, and I expect 
the boys would pitch into them." I again said to him that he had better say to Governor 
Young that if he wants emigrant companies to pass without molestation that he must 
instruct Colonel Dame or Major Haight to that effect, for if they are not ordered other- 
wise they will use them up by the help of the Indians. He told the people at the Clara 
not to sell their grain to the emigrants nor to feed it to their animals, as they might ex- 
pect a big fight the next spring with the United States. President Young did not intend 
to let the troops into the Territory. He said, "We are going to stand up for our rights 
and will no longer be imposed upon by our enemies, and want every man to be on hand 
with bis gun in good order and his powder dry," and instructed the people to part with 
nothing that would sustain life. From the 1st to the 10th of September, 1857, a mes- 
senger came to me — his name was Sam Wood — and told me that President Isaac 0. 
Haight wanted me to be at Cedar City that evening without fail. This was Saturday. 
He told me that a large company of emigrants had gone south. I then lived at Har- 
mony, twenty miles south of Cedar City. I obeyed the summons. President Haight 
met me. It was near sundown. We spent the night in an open house on some blan- 
kets, where we talked most all night. He told me that a company of emigrants had 
passed through some days before, threatening the Mormons with destruction, and that 
one of them had said he had helped to kill old Joe Smith and his brother Hyrum; that 
other members of the company of emigrants had helped drive the Mormons out of 
Missouri; that others had said they had come to help Johnston's army clean the Mor- 
mons out of Utah; that they had the halters ready to hang old Brigham and Heber, and 
would have them strung up before the snow flew; that one of the emigrants called one 
of his oxen (a pair of stags) " Brig." and the other " Heber," and that several of the 
emigrants had used all kinds of threats and profanity. John M. Higbee, the City Mar- 
shal, had informed them that it was a breach of the city ordinance to use profane lan- 
guage, whereiapon one of them replied that he did not care a damn for the Mormon 
laws, or the Mormons either; that they had fought their way through the Indians and 
would do it through the d — d Mormons, and if their God, old Brigham, and his priests 
would not sell their provisions, by G — d they would take what they wanted any way 
they could get it; that thus raging one of them let loose his long whip ajid killed two 
chickens, and threw them into his wagon; that the widow Evans said, "Gentlemen, 
those aie my chickens; please don't kill them. I am a poor widow." That they 
ordered her to " shut up," or they would blow her d — d brains out, etc.; that they had 
been raising trouble with all the settlements and Indians on their way; that we were 
threatened on the north by Johnston's army, and now our safety depended on prompt 
and immediate action; that a company of Indians had already gone south from Pare- 



23 

wan and Cedar City to surprise the emigrants, who were then at the Mountain Mea. 
dews, and he wanted me to return home in the morning (Sunday) and send Carl Shurtz 
(Indian interpreter) from my home (Harmony) to raise the Indians south, at Harmony, 
Washington and Santa Clara, to join the Indians from the north, and make the attack 
upon the emigrants at the Meadows. I said to him, " Would it not be well to hold a 
council of the brethren before making a move ?" He replied that " every true Latter 
Day Saint that regarded their covenants knew well th«ir duty, and that the company of 
emigrants had forfeited their lives by their acts," and that Bishop P. K. Smith (Klin- 
gensmith) and Joel White had already gone by way of Pinto to raise the Indians in 
that direction, and those that have gone from Parowan and here will make the attack, 
and maybe repulsed. "We can't now delay for a council of the Brethren. Return 
immediately and start Carl Shurtz; tell him that I ordered you to tell him to go, and 
I want you to try and get there before the attack is made, and make the plan for the 
Indians, and I will call a council to-day to talk the matter over, and will send Nephi 
Johnson, the interpreter, to the Meadows, as soon as he can be got to help Carl Shurtz 
manage the Indians." 

I did just as I was ordered. The Indians from the north and about Harmony had 
already started for the Meadows before I reached home, Shurtz started immediately to 
do his part. I ai-rived at home in the night and remained till morning. I thought 
over the matter, and the more I thought the more my feelings revolted against such a 
horrid deed. Sleep had fled from me. I talked to my wife Rachel about it. She felt 
as I did about it, and advised me to let them do their own dirty work, and said if things 
did not go just to suit them, the blame would be laid on me. She never did believe in 
blood atonement, and said it was from the devil, and that she would rather break such 
a covenant, if she had to die for so doing, than to live and be guilty of doing such an 
act. I finally concluded that I would go; that I would start by daybreak in the morn- 
ing and try to get there before an attack was made on the company, and use my influ- 
ence with the Indians to let them alone. I crossed the mountains by a trail and reached 
the Meadows between 9 and 10 in the morning, the distance from my place being about 
twenty-five miles. But I was too late. The attack had been made just before day- 
break in the morning, and the Indians repulsed, with one killed and two of the chiefs 
from Cedar shot through the legs, breaking a leg for each of them. The Indians were 
in a terrible rage. I went to some of them that were in a ravine. They told me to go 
to the main body or they would kill me for not coming before the attack was made. 
While I was standing there I received a shot just above my belt, cutting through my 
clothes to the skin some six inches across. The Indians with whom I was talking lived 
with me at Harmony. I was Indian Farmer. They told me I was in danger and to get 
down into the ravine. I said it was impossible for me to do anything there, and I d.ire 
not venture to the camp or to the emigrants without endangering my life. I mounted 
nay horse and started south to meet Carl Schurtz. I traveled sixteen miles and stopped 
on the Megotsy to bait my animal, as there was good grass and water. I had rode it 
over forty miles without eating or drinking. This is the place where Mr. Tobin met 
his assassinators. About sunset I saw Mr. Schurtz and some ten or fifteen white men, 
and about one hundred and fifty Indians. We camped. During the night the Indians 
left for the Meadows. I reported to the men what had taken place. They attacked the 
emigrants again about sunrise the next morning, which was Tuesday, and had one of 
their number killed and several wounded. I, with the white men, reached the Meadows 
about 1 o'clock p. m. On the way we met a small band of Indians returning with .some 
eighteen or twenty head of cattle. One of the Indians was wounded in the shoulder. 
They told me that the Indians were encamped east of the emigrants at some springs. 
On our arrival at the springs we found about two hundred Indians, among whom were 
the two wounded chiefs, Moqueetus and Bill. The Indians were in a high state of ex- 



24 

citement; had killed many cattle and horses belonging to the company. I counted 
sixty head near their encampment that they had killed in revenge for the wounding of 
their men. By the assistance of Oscar Hamblin (brother of Jacob Hamblin) and 
Shurtz we succeeded in getting the Indians to desist from killing any more stock that 
night. The company of emigrants had corraled all their wagons but one for better de- 
fense. This corral was about one hundred yards above the springs. This they did to 
get away from the ravine south, the better to defend themselves. The attacks were 
made from the south ravine and from the rocks on the west. The attack was renewed 
that night by the Indians, in spite of all we could do to prevent it. When the attack 
commenced Oscar Hamblin, William Young and myself started to go to the Indians. 
When opposite the corral on the north, the bullets came around us like a shower of 
hail. We had two Indians with us to pilot us; they threw themselves fiat on the 
ground to protect themselves from the bullets. I stood erect and asked my Father in 
Heaven to protect me from the missiles of death and enable me to reach the Indians. 
One ball passed through my hat and the hair of my head, and another through my 
shirt, grazing my arm near the shoulder. 

A most hideous yell of the Indians commenced. The cries and shrieks of the women 
and children so overcame me that I forget my danger and rushed through the fire to the 
Indians and pleaded with them in tears to desist. I told them that the Great Spirit 
would be angry with them for killing women and little children. They told me to leave 
or they would serve me the same way; that I was not their friend, but a friend to their 
enemies; that I was a squaw and did not have the heart of a brave, and that I could not 
see bloodshed without crying like a baby, and called me Cry-baby, and by that name I 
am known by all the Indians to this day. I owe my life on that occasion to Oscar 
Hamblin, who was a missionary with the Indians and had much influence with the Santa 
Clara Indians. They were the ones that wanted to kill me. Hamblin shamed them 
and called them dogs and wolves for wanting to shed the blood of their father (myself), 
who had fed and clothed them. We finally prevailed upon them to return to camp, 
where we would hold a council; that I would send for big Captains to come and talk. 
We told them they had punished the emigrants enough, and may be they had killed 
nearly all of them. We told them that Bishop Dame and President Haight would come, 
and may be they would give them part of the cattle and let the company go with the 
teams. In this way we reconciled them to suspend hostilities for the present. The two 
that had been with Hamblin and myself the night before said they had seen two men 
on horseback come out of the emigrants' camp under full speed, and that they went 
towards Cedar City. Wednesday morning I asked a man — I think his name was Ed- 
wards — to go to Cedar City and say to President Haight, for God's sake, for my sake 
and for the sake of suffering humanity, to send out men to rescue that company. This 
day we all lay still, waiting orders. Occasionally a few of the Indians withdrew, taking 
a few head of animals with them. About noon I crossed the valley north of the corral, 
thinking to examine their location from the west range. The company recognized me 
as a white man and sent two little boys about 4 years old to meet me. I hid from them, 
fearing the Indians, who discovered the children. I called the Indians, who wanted 
my gun or ammunition to kill them. I prevailed with them to let the children go back 
into camp, which they very soon did when they saw the Indians. I crept up behind 
some rocks, on the west range, where I had a full view of the corral. In it they had dug 
a rifle pit. The wheels of their wagons were chained together, and the only show for 
the Indians was to starve them out, or to shoot them as they went lor water. I lay 
there some two hours, and contemplated their situation, and wept like a child. When 
I returned to camp some six or eight men had come from Cedar City. Joel White, 
William C. Stewart and Elliot C. Weldon were among the number, but they had no 
orders. They had come merely to see how things were. The Meadows are about fifty 



25 

miles from Cedar City. Thursday afternoon the messenger from Cedar returned. He 
said that President Haight had gone to Parowan to confer with Colonel Dame, and a 
company of men and orders would be sent on to-morrow (Friday) ; that up to the time 
that he left the Council had come to no definite conclusion. During this time the In- 
dians and men were engaged in broiling beef and making their hides into lassoes. I 
had flattered myself that bloodshed was at an end. After the emigrants saw me cross 
th'i valley they hoisted a white flag in the midst of their corral. Friday afternoon four 
wagons drove up with armed men. When they saw the white flag in the corral they 
raised one also, but drove to the springs where we were, and took refreshment, after 
which a Council meeting was called of Presidents, Bishops and other Church ofi&cers 
and members of the High Council, Societies, High Priests, etc. Major John H. Higbee 
presided as Chairman. Several of the dignitaries bowed in prayer — invoked the aid of 
the Holy Spirit to prepare their minds and guide them to do right and carry out the 
counsel of their leaders. Higbee said that President J. C. Haight had been to Parowan 
to confer with Colonel Dame, and their counsel and orders were that " This emigrant 
cftDip must be used up.". I replied, "Men, women and children?" "All," said he, 
"except such as are too young to tell tales, and if the Indians cannot do it without help, 
we must help them." I commenced pleading for the company, and said that though 
some of them have behaved badly, they have been pretty well chastised. My policy 
won Id be to draw off the Indians, let them have a portion of the loose cattle, and with- 
draw with them under promise that they would not molest the company any more; that 
the company would then have teams enough left to take them to California. I told 
them that this course could not bring them into trouble. Higbee said, "White men 
have interposed and the emigrants know it, and there lies the danger in letting them 
go." I said, "What white man interfered ?" He replied that in the attack on Tues- 
day night two men broke out of the corral and started for Cedar City on horseback; that 
they were met at Kichey's Springs by Stewart, Joel White and another man whose name 
has passed from me, Stewart asked the two men their names when they met them at 
the spring, and being told in reply by one of the men that his name was Aden, and that 
the other man was a Dutchman from the emigrants' company, Stewart shoved a pistol 
to Aden's breast and killed him, saying, "Take that, damn you." The other man (the 
Dutchman) wheeled to leave as Joel White fired and wounded him. I asked him how 
he knew the wounded Dutchman got back to the emigrants' camp. He said, because 
he was tracked back, and they knew he was there. I again said that it was better to 
deliver the man to them, and let them do anything they wished with them, and tell them 
that we did not approve such things. Ira Allen, High Counselor, and Robert Wiley and 
others spoke, reproving me sharply for trying to dictate to the priesthood; that it would 
set at naught all anthority; that he would not give the life of one of our brethren for a 
thousand such persons. " If we let them go," he continued, " they will raise hell in 
California, and the result will be that our wives and children will have to be butchered 
and ourselves too, and they are no better to die than ours; and I am surprised to hear 
Brother Lee talk as he does, as he has always been considered one of the staunchest in 
the Church, now is the first to shirk from his duty." I said, "Brethren, the Lord 
must harden my heart before I can do such a thing." Allen said it is not wicked to 
obey counsel. At this juncture I withdrew — walked off some fifty paces and prostrated 
myself on the ground and wept in the bitter anguish of my soul, and asked the Lord to 
avert that evil. While in that situation Counselor C. Hopkins, a near friend of mine, 
came to me and said: " Brother Lee, come, get up and don't draw off from the priest- 
hood. Tou ought not to do so. You are only endangering your own life by standing 
out. You can't help it, if this is wrouf^ — the blame won't rest on you." "I said, 
«' Charley, this is the worst move ' this people' ever made. I feel it.' ' He said, " Come, 



26 



go back and let them have their way." I went back, weeping like a child, and took my 
place and tried to be silent, and was until Higbee said they (the emigrants) must be de- 
coyed out through pretended friendship. I could no longer hold my place, and said I, 
" Joseph Smith said that God hated a traitor, and so do I. Before I would be a traitor 
I would rather take ten men and go to that camp and tell them that they must die, and 
now to defend themselves, and give them a show for their lives; that would be more 
honorable than to betray them like Judas." Here I got another reproof, and was ordered 
to hold my peace. The plan agreed upon there was to meet them with a flag of truce, 
tell them that the Indians were determined on their destruction; that we dare not op- 
pose the Indians, for we were at their mercy; that the best we could do for them (the 
emigrants) was to get them and what few traps we could take in the wagons, to lay their 
arms in the bottom of the wagon and cover them up with bed clothes, and start for the 
settlement as soon as possible, and to trust themselves in our hands. The small children 
and wounded were to go with the two wagons, the women to follow the wagons and the 
men next, the troops to stand in readiness on the east side of the road ready to receive 
them. Shurtz and Nephi Johnson were to conceal the Indians in the bmsh and rocks 
till the company was strung out on the road to a certain point, and at the watchword 
" Halt! do your duty!" each man was to cover his victim and fire. Johnson and Schurtz 
were to rally the Indians, and rush upon and dispatch the women and larger children. 
It was further told the men that President Haight said that if we were united in 
carrying out the instructions we would all receive a "celestial reward." I said I was 
willing to put up with a less reward, if I could be excused. " How can you do this 
without shedding innocent blood?" Here I got another lampooning for my stub- 
bornness and disobedience to the priesthood. I was told there was not a drop of in- 
nocent blood in the whole company of emigrants. Also referred to the Gentile nations 
who refused the children of Israel passage through their country when Moses led 
them up out of Egypt — that the Lord held that crime against them, and when Israel 
waxed strong the Lord commanded Joshua to slay the whole nation, men, women and 
children. " Have not these people done worse than that to us ? Have they not threat- 
ened to murder our leaders and Prophet, and have they not boasted of murdering our 
Patriarchs and Prophets, Joseph and Hyrum ? Now talk about shedding innocent 
blood." They said I was a good, liberal, free-hearted man, but too much of this sym- 
pathy would be always in the way ; that every man now had to show his colors ; that it 
was not safe to have a Judas in camp. Then it was proposed that every man express 
himself. That if there was a man who would not keep a close mouth they wanted to 
know it then. This gave me to understand what I might expect if I continued to op- 
pose. Major Higbee said, Brother Lee is right. Let him take an expression of the 
people. I knew I dare not refuse, so I had every man speak and express himself. All 
said they were willing to carry out the counsel of their leaders; that the leaders had 
the Spirit of God and knew better what was right than they did. They then wanted to 
know my feelings. I replied, I have already expressed them. Every eye was upon me, 
as I paused, but, said I, *' you can do as you please, I will not oppose you any longer." 
" Will you keep a close mouth ?" was the qiiestion. " I will try," was my answer. I 
will here say that the fear of offending Brigham Young and George A. Smith had 
saved my life. I was near being " blood-atoned" in Parowan, under J. C. L. Smith, in 
1854:, but of this I have spoken in my autobiography. 

Saturday morning all was ready and every man assigned to his post of duty. During 
the night, or rather, just before daylight, Johnson and Shurtz ambushed their Indians, 
the better to deceive the emigrants. About 11 o'clock a. m. the troop under Major Hig- 
bee took their position on the road. The white flag was still kept up in the corral. 
Higbee called William Bateman out of the ranks to take a flag of truce to the corral. 



27 

He ■was met about half way with another white flag from the emigrants' camp. They 
had a talk. The emigrant was told we had come to rescue them if they were willing to 
trust us. Both men with flags returned to their respective places and reported, and 
were to meet again aid bring word. Higbee called me out to go and inform them the 
conditions, and, if I accepted, Dan McFarland, brother to John McFarland, lawyer, who 
acted aid-de-camp, would bring back word, and then two wagons would be sent for the 
firearms, children, clothing, etc. I obeyed, and the terms proposed were accepted, but 
not without distrust. I had as little to say as possible — in fact, my tongue refused to 
perform its ofl&ce. I sat down on the gi'ound in the corral, near where some young men 
were engaged in paying the last respects to some person who had just died of a wound. 
A large, fleshy old lady came to me twice and talked while I sat there. She related 
their troubles — said that seven of their number were killed and forty-six wounded on 
the first attack; that several had died since. She asked me if I was an Indian Agent. 
I said, " In one sense I am, as Government has appointed me Farmer to the Indians." 
I told her this to satisfy her. I heard afterwards that the same question was asked 
and answered in the same manner by McFarland, who had been sent by Higbee to the 
corral, to " hurry me up for fear that the Indians would come back and be upon them." 
"When all was ready, Samuel McMurdy, Counselor to Bishop P. K. Smith (Klingen- 
smith), drove out on the lead. His wagon had the seventeen children, clothing and 
arms. Samuel Knight drove the other team, with five wounded men and one boy about 
15 years old. I walked behind the front wagon to direct the course, and to shun being 
in the heat of the slaughter — but this I kept to myself. When we got turned fairly to 
the east I motioned to McMurdy to steer north across the valley. I at the same time 
told the women, who were next to the wagon, to follow the road up to the troops, which 
they did. Instead of my saying to McMurdy not to drive so fast — as he swore on my 
trial — I said to the contrary, to drive on, as my aim was to get out of sight before the 
firing commenced, which we did. "We were about half a mile ahead of the company 
when we heard the first firing. We had drove over a ridge of rolling ground, and 
down on a low flat. The firing was simultaneous along the whole line. The moment 
the firing commenced McMurdy halted and tied his lines across the rod of his wagon 
box, stepped down coolly with a double-barreled shotgun, walked back to Knight's 
wagon — who had the wounded men, and was about twenty feet in the rear. As he 
raised his piece he said, " Lord, my God, receive their spirits, for it is for the king- 
dom of heaven's sake that we do this," fired and killed two men. Samuel Knight had 
a muzzle-loading rifle, and he shot and killed the three men, then struck the wounded 
boy on the head, who fell dead. In the meantime I drew a five-shooter from my 
belt, which accidentally went ofi", cutting across McMurdy's buckskin pants in front, 
below the crotch. McMurdy said, "Brother Lee, you are excited; take things cool; 
you was near killing me. Look where the ball cut," pointing to the place on his pants. 
At this moment I heard the scream of a child. I looked up and saw an Indian have a 
little boy by the hair of his head, dragging him out of the hind end of the wagon, 
with a knife in his hand getting ready to cut his throat. I sprang for the Indian, 
with my revolver in hand, and shouted to the top of my voice, " Arick, ooma, cot too 
sooet" — (,Stop, you fool). The child was terror stricken. His chin was bleeding. I 
supposed it was the cut of a knife, but afterwards learned that it was done on the 
wagon box, as the Indian yanked the boy down by the hair of the head. I had no 
sooner rescued this child, than another Indian seized a little girl by the hair. I res- 
cued her as soon as I could speak; I told the Indian that they must not hurt the chil- 
dren—that I would die before they should be hurt; that we would buy the children of 
them. Before this time the Indians had rushed up around the wagon in quest of 
blood, and dispatched the two runaway wounded men. In justice to my statement, I 



28 



would say that if my shooter had not prematurely exploded, I would have had a hand 
in dispatching the five wounded. I had lost control of myself, and scarce knew what 
I was about. I saw an Indian pursue a little girl, who was fleeing. He caught her 
about one hundred feet from the wagon and plunged his knife through her. 

I said to McMurdy that he had better drive the children to Hamblin's ranch, and 
give them some nourishment, while I would go down and get my horse at the camp . 
Passing along the road I saw the dead strung along the distance of about half a mile. 
The women and children were killed by the Indians. I saw Shurtz with the Indians, 
and no other white man with them. When I came to the men they lay about a rod 
apart. Here I came up with Higbee, Bishop Smith and the rest of the company. 
As I came up Higbee said to me, let us search these persons for valuables: and asked 
me to assist him. Gave me a hat to hold. Several men were already engaged in 
searching the bodies. I replied that I was unwell, and wanted to get upon my horse 
and go to the ranch and nurse myself. My request was granted. Keaching Hamblin's 
ranch, being heart-sick and worn out — I lay down on my saddle blanket and slept, and 
knew but little what passed through the night. About daybreak in the morning I 
heard the voices of Colonel Dame and Isaac C. Haight. I heard some very angry 
words pass between them, which drew my attention. Dame said that he would have 
to report the destruction of the emigrant camp and the company. Haight said — 
" How — as an Indian massacre ?" Dame said he did not know so well about that. 
This reply seemed to irritate Haight, who spoke quite loudly, saying, " How the h — 1 
can you report it any other way without implicating yourself ?" At this Dame lowered 
his voice almost to a whisper; I oould not understand what he said, and the conversa- 
tion stopped. I got up, saw the children, and among the others, the boy who was 
prulled by the hair of his head out of the wagon by the Indian — and saved by me. 
That boy I took home and kept home until Dr. Forney, Government agent, came to 
gather up the children and take them East. He took the boy with the others. That 
boy's name was William Fancher. His father was Captain of the train. He was 
taken East and adopted by a man in Nebraska, named Richard Sloan. He remained 
East several years, and then returned to Utah, and is now a convict in the Utah Pen- 
itentiary, having been convicted the past year for the crime of highway robbery. He 
is now known by the name of " Idaho Bill," but his true name is William Fancher. 
His little sister was also taken East, and is now the wife of a man working for the Union 
Pacific Railroad Company near Green river. The boy (now man) has yet got the scar 
on his chin caused by the cut on the wagon box, and those who are curious enough to 
examine will find a large scar on the ball of his left foot, caused by a deep cut with an 
ax while he was with me. 

I got breakfast that morning; then all hands returned to the scene of the slaughter to 
bury the dead. The bodies were all in a nude state. The Indians through the night 
had stripped them of every vestige of clothing. Many of the parties were laughing 
and talking as they carried the bodies to the ravine for burial. They were just covered 
over a little, but did not long remain so, for the wolves dug them up, and, after eating 
the flesh from them, the bones laid upon the ground until buried some time after by 
a Government military officer. At the time of burying the bodies Dame and Haight 
got into another quarrel. Dame seemed terror-stricken, and again said he would have 
to publish it. They were about two paces from me. Dame spoke low, as if careful to 
avoid being heard. Haight spoke loud, and said: " You know that you counseled it, 
and ordered me to have them used up." Dame said: " I did not think that there was 
so many women and children. I thought they were nearly all killed by the Indians." 
Haight said: "It is too late in the day for you to back water. You know you ordered 
and counseled it, and now you want to back out." Dame said: " Have you the papers 



29 

for that," or, " Show the papers for that." This enraged Haight to the highest pitch, 
and Dame walked off. Haight said: " You throw the blame of this thing on me and I 
will be revenged on you if I have to meet you in hell to get it." From this place we 
rode to the wagons. We found them stripped of their covers and every particle of 
clothing, even the feather beds had been ripped open and the contents turned out upon 
the ground looking for plunder. I crossed the mountains by Indian trail — taking my 
little Indian boy with me on my horse. The gathering up of the property and cattle 
was left in the charge of Bishop P. K. Smith. The testimony of Smith in regard to 
the property and the dipposition that was made of it was very nearly correct. I must 
not forget to state, that after the attack, a messenger by the name of James Haslem was 
sent with a dispatch to President Brigham Young, asking his advice about interfering 
with the company, but he did not return in time. This I had no knowledge of until 
the massacre was committed. Some two weeks after the deed was done, Isaac C. Haight 
sent me to report to Governor Young in person. I asked him why he did not send a 
written report; he replied that I could tell him more satisfactorily than he could write, 
and if I would stand up and shoulder as much of the responsibility as I could conve- 
niently, that it would be a "feather in my cap some day, and that I would get a celestial 
salvation; but the man that shrunk from it now would go down to hell. I went and did 
as I was commanded. Brigham asked me if Isaac C. Haight had written a letter to 
him. I replied not by me; but I said he wished me to report in person. 

"All right," said Brigham. "Were you an eye-witness?" "To the most of it," 
was my reply. Then I proceeded, and gave him a full history of all, except that of my 
opposition. That I left out entirely. I told him of the killing of the women and chil- 
dren and the betraying of the company. That, I told him, I was opposed to; but I did 
not say to him to what extent I was opposed to it, only that I was opposed to shedding 
innocent blood. " Why," said he, "you differ from Isaac (Haight), for he said there 
was not a drop of innocent blood in the whole company." When I was through he 
said that it was awful ; that he cared nothing about the men, but the women and chil- 
dren was what troubled him. I said, " President Young, you should either release men 
from their obligation, or sustain them when they do what they have entered into the 
most sacred obligation to do." He replied, " I will think over the matter and make it 
the subject of prayer, and you may come back in the morning and see me." I did so. 
He said, " John, I feel first rate. I asked the Lord if it was all right for that deed to 
be done, to take away the vision of the deed from my mind, and the Lord did so, and I 
feel first rate. It is all right. The only fear I have is of traitors." He told me never 
to lisp it to any mortal being, not even to Brother Heber. President Young has always 
treated me with the friendship of a father since, and has sealed several women to mo 
since, and has made my home his home when in that part of the Territory — until dan- 
ger has threatened him. This is a true statement according to the best of my recollection. 
[Signed.] John D. Leb. 

THE PRIESTHOOD GUILTY. 

This statement I have made for publication after my death, and have agreed with a 
friend to have the same, with very many facts pertaining to other matters connected 
■with the crimes of the Mormon people under the leadership of the priesthood, from a 
period before the butchery of Nauvoo to the present time, published for the benefit of 
my family, and that the world may know the black deeds that have marked the way of 
the Saints from the organization of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, to 
the period when a weak and too pliable tool lays down his pen to face the executioners' 
gnns for deeds of which he is not more guilty than others who to-day are wearing the 
garments of the priesthood, and living upon the " tithing" of a deluded and prieat-rid- 



30 

den people. My autobiography, if published, will open the eyes of the world to the 
monstrous deeds of the leaders of the Mormon people, and will also place in the hands 
of the Attorney for the Government the particulars of some of the most blood curdling 
crimes that have been committed in Utah, which, if properly followed up, will bring 
many down from their high place in the Church, to face o£fended Justice upon the gal- 
lows. So mote it be. 

[Signed.] John D. Leb. 

THE EXECUTION. 

Cedar Citt, March 23, 1877. — Twenty years ago at the Mountain Meadows, in Iron 
county, Utah — then the last resting and recruiting oasis for the California emigrant 
before entering upon the great southern desert — one hundred and thirty-four men, 
women and children were brutally murdei'ed by a band of fanatical religionists of the 
Mormon faith, acting under the direct counsels of the great Mormon Theocracy of Utah, 
with Brigham Young at its head. Today, at 11 o'clock, within two hundred yards of 
where the emigrants fell, victims to a decoy under a flag of truce, the chief butcher of 
that horrid day in September, 1857, John D. Lee, was shot to death, by command of 
the lawful Court having jurisdiction of his awful crime. About the same distance from 
the rude stone pile or monument which marks the resting place of the slaughtered inno- 
cents, Lee was placed upon his cofiBn to die. 

About one hundred persons witnessed the execution. United States Marshal Nelson 
and his posse of Deputies arrived at the fatal ground about 8 o'clock last night (Thurs- 
day) from Beaver City. He had with him three Government wagons from Camp Cam- 
eron, which is distant from Beaver City but one mile, and at which post Lee has been 
recently kept in custody. In the wagons rode a squad of twenty-two United States 
soldiers from Camp Cameron, who were under command of Lieutenant Patterson. 
This squad, from its connection with this most notorious case, will come to be of his- 
toric memory, and Patterson's little command will probably find place in American 
history as the just instrument of avenging justice. The first night out the company 
made a march of seventy miles from Beaver to Leeches, and came into camp about 3 
o'clock in the afternoon. 

Lee on the road was self-possessed, and fully convinced that his last hope had gone 
from him. On going into camp Lee ate a hearty meal, smoked a pipe with composure, 
and rolling himself in his blankets stretched himself beneath a sheltering cedar tree, 
upon the very land where once he could command the best of all the country, but upon 
which he was at last a condemned murderer, taking his last sleep on earth, ironed and 
watched. He slept soundly until about 1 o'clock, when he was aroused. His manner 
was still cool and collected ; either the certainty of his fate had caused him to sufl"er all 
he could, or else he was indifferent to the terrible doom impending for him, unless 
indeed he failed to realize the whole truth. It is more correct to suppose, however, 
that the agony of anticipation had passed for him, and he was no longer desirous of 
delay. On the trip, for the first time, he confessed to the slaying of five of the emi- 
grants. He was filled with bitterness against the Prophet, Priest and Seer, Brigham 
Young, the great head of the Mormon Church. He accused Brigham openly of leading 
the Mormons to their utter destruction. 

As said, the troops arrived at the Meadows about 8 o'clock this morning. Thursday 
night Lee had slept well and his appetite was in no way diminished by the fate before 
him. About 9 o'clock this morning Lee was taken from the camp in one of the Govern 
ment wagons, on each side of which marched the command of Lieutenant Patterson, 
This funeral cortege marched direct to the spot chosen for the exeoiTtion. Lee was 
Btill composed, and talked and acted with remarkable indifference. Arriyed at the spot. 



31 

he went to a convenient place and explained the situation of the emigrants -when the 
massacre occurred. Lee made a dying statement to United States District Attorney 
Sumner Howard, the contents of which are not known. The picture presented this 
morning was weird and strange beyond description. The wagons and troops, the officers 
of the law and representatives of the press, all seen from an overlooking promontory, 
marching solemnly through the Meadows, was a sight not dissimilar to that other one, 
neai'ly twenty years ago, on the same spot. 

Arrived within a few yards of the monument— a huge irregular pile of stones, whereon 
the cross stood erected to the memory of the butchered emigrants, and which the Mor- 
mons subsequently tore down and defaced — the Government wagons were placed in 
line together, and the six men who had been selected for the execution were posted, 
armed with needle-guns. Lee came forward, in company with the Rev. George Stokes, 
of Minnetta, Marshal Nelson, and United States District Attorney Sumner Howard. 
His step faltered just a little as he approached the coffin. He took off his overcoat, 
and, with great coolness, seated himself upon his coffin, which had been brought in one 
of the wagons and had been placed upon the death-spot. Throughout he acted as 
though he was simply taking a seat by a eomfortable fire. The situation placed the 
prisoner about twenty-five feet from the Government wagons, which he faced. When 
he was seated upon the plain coffin which his lifeless body was so soon to occupy, 
United States Marshal Nelson proceeded to read to the doomed man the warrant of the 
Court by which he was commanded to put him to death. While the long formalities of 
this instrument were slowly and solemnly pronounced Lee's countenance gave no indi- 
cation that they had impressed themselves upon him at all. At the conclusion. Mar- 
shal Nelson asked Lee if he had any statement to make, and informed him that he had 
but a few moments to live. Lee arose from his seat on the coffin, and in a clear and' 
distinct tone of voice addressed the assembled company. 

He said that he fully realized the solemnity of the occasion, that he knew he must 
die, that his soul was reposing in trust and confidence in the justice and mercy of God. 
While not denying his presence at and participation in the massacre, he protested his 
innocence of primary responsibility and criminal intent. He said the Government, in 
taking his life, was executing the best friend it ever had among the Mormons. He next 
spoke of Brigham Young, and as he mentioned that name his tones grew firm, sharp 
and defiant, while his face wore an expression of bitterness and wrong. He accused 
Brigham Young of having abandoned, betrayed and "gone back" on one who had 
served him to the uttermost without question of consequences. But for all this, he 
said, he stood firm in the faith of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. He 
then in more faltering tones, and with tears for the first time coursing his cheeks, spoke 
of his family, and with affectionate references, somewhat incoherent, closed his remarks 

All now knelt, the prisoner kneeling by his coffin, while the Rev. Mr. Stokes offered 
up a fervent prayer, beseeching mercy for the dying man. Lee arose quickly, and, 
seating himself on his coffin, addressed the squad detailed for the execution, beseeching 
tliem net to mangle his body, but to aim at his heart. He said, "I am not at all excited, 
and I will give the word to fire myself." He readjusted his position for the purpose of 
having his photograph taken by an artist. This done, Lee requested the operator to 
Bend a copy to each of his three faithful wives — Rachel, Caroline and Sarah. 

Marshal Nelson then approached him with a folded handkerchief in his hands. Lee, 
by an inclination of the head, signified his readiness to receive the blind, and the Mar- 
shal proceeded to bandage his eyes. He was about to pinion his hands behind his 
back, when Lee objected, and clasped them over his head, at which the Marshal 
desisted. The spectators then drew back; the firing party came to an "attention;" 



32 



Lee was heard to say "aim well," and at the same time to murmur some imprecation 
against Brigham Young, and these were his last words. 

Marshal Nelson now partly faced the condemned and gave the word "Eeady!" The 
guns were dropped. "Take aim!" The guns were leveled on the victim. Then, after 
a silence which seemed an age of duration to the by-standers, the word "Fire!" rang 
fatally on the air. Six simultaneous reports followed, and John D. Lee fell backward 
on his coffin, his feet remaining on the ground. There was no quiver or struggle. 
Five balls had passed through his body in the region of the heart. 

The unanimous comment of those present was that Lee displayed the most extraordi- 
nary courage, and met his fate either in the belief that he was a martyr or a hero. At 
all events, he died vnth a fortitude and resignation that made his death an easy one. 
No member of his family was present. He had requested that his body be sent to Pan- 
gowitch to his wife Rachel. John D. Lee was born in Kaskaskia, Illinois, on the 15th 
of September, 1812, and was therefore aged 64 years, 6 months and 8 days. 



< 



MOUNT HAMILTON. 



On the first day of December, 1877, the Pacific Akt Co. will publish their beauti-^ 
f ul Chrome, 19x25 inches in size, of Mount Hamilton, with Santa Clara Valley in the 
foreground. 

The summit of Mount Hamilton is 4,448 feet above the level of the sea. The sum- 
mit is reached by 21% miles of even graded macadamized carriage road (Lick avenue), 
which winds its devious way over deep canons, around sharp curves, along high blnflfs 
and steep mountain sides. At every step new and wonderful scenery is presented to 
view. This Avenue is pronounced one of the greatest feats of engineering skill on the 
Pacific Coast, and is .the wonder and admiration of the crowds who continually visit 
Mount Hamilton. Moiint Hamilton is famous for being the site of the Lick Obser- 
vatory. The late James Lick, in his will, bequeathed seven hundred and fifty thousand 
dollars for the building of the Observatory and placing therein the largest Telescope in 
the world. It will be, when completed, the pride and triumph of science in America. 

In front of it lies Santa Clara Valley, one of the richest agricultural valleys in Cali- 
fornia. Besides, producing in great abundance all the cereals, it is here that the noted 
fruits of California are raised; also, lemons, oranges, figs, olives, dates, almonds, and 
manj' other semi-tropical fruits. 

It is the location of the great Quicksilver Mines of America, the New Alamaden 
and Guadalupe. The valley is about 45 miles long and averaging about 12 miles wide, 
commencing at the southern extremity of San Francisco Bay and bounded upon the 
east and west by lofty ranges of mountains which abound in rich minerals and valuable 
Mineral Springs. Here is the Pacific Saratoga Springs which are fully equal in all 
respects to the older Saratoga of the East. 

This valley is a noted health resort, where the invalid, especially the consumptive, 
seldom fails to fully recover health by a sojourn of a few months. The climate is equal 
to that of Italy. Eoses and a great variety of flowers bloom the year around. The 
soil is very rich and productive. Upon the whole, it is one of the most beautiful and 
desirable places to live on the Globe, and is so pronounced by all travelers who have 
visited it. The number and popularity of its Free Schools have no rival in the United 
States. Its Drives aud Parks are in splendid condition the year around. Among its 
carriage drives is the well known "Alameda," which is claimed to be the finest on this 
continent. It connects the cities of San Jose and Santa Clara, which are three miles 
apart, and is lined by Willow trees, planted one hundred years ago, by Jesuits and 
Indians. At night it is Ughted by gas. All the Institutions of this valley are worthy 
the pride of its inhabitants. 

The Picture is very fine and portrays truthfully one of California's most beautiful 
views. The company are confident it will give full satisfaction, and offer it as a com- 
panion piece to " Mountain Meadows." 

Mount Hamilton, with a full and complete description of the valley, its statistict, 
etc., will be sent by return mail after November 30th, to all persons ordering it, for the 
sum of one dollar. Send to Pacific Aet Co., San Francisco, or to their Chicago, 111., 



